Posts Tagged ‘politics’

Protecting At-Risk Democracy Activists: NED’s Approach

March 29, 2026
A woman holds up a blank sheet of paper during a demonstration against China’s strict COVID-19 lockdown measures following the deadly apartment fire in Urumqi, Xinjiang. (Photo by Frederic J. BROWN / AFP via Getty Images)

NED’s Communications Staff published on 17 How “NED Safeguards At-Risk Activists” [https://www.ned.org/protecting-at-risk-democracy-activists-ned-approach/]

Democracy activists often face arrest, exile, harassment, or retaliation against their families. This essay explains why NED protects sensitive information about grantees, how that duty of care supports the people advancing freedom, and how NED balances discretion with accountability. 

Imagine living in a place where a knock at the door in the middle of the night could mean imprisonment, or worse. This is the daily reality for countless democracy and human rights activists around the world. Their bravery makes their work not only meaningful, but also deeply consequential. 

The National Endowment for Democracy (NED) supports those working to strengthen fundamental freedoms in transitional and fragile democracies, as well as those bravely advancing freedom in closed societies. Our grantmaking focuses on the building blocks of democratic life—free elections, independent media, and the freedoms of association, speech, and belief. Just as important, however, is our responsibility to protect the individuals who make that work possible. 

This primer offers an overview of why NED carefully manages information about its grantees, including what is shared publicly, what is provided to Congressional oversight bodies, and how discretion underpins the safety and viability of those we support. Activists face vastly different risks depending on their location, visibility, and the tactics of the regimes they confront. Supporting democracy means protecting those who fight for it, including respecting their choices about public visibility to ensure their safety.  

Why Public Exposure Can Be Dangerous

Speaking out in many parts of the world can mean risking arrest, exile, or death. According to Freedom House, only about one in five countries around the world is rated “free,” while The Economist’s Intelligence Unit has found that only 25 countries today qualify as full democracies. For the vast majority living under authoritarian or hybrid regimes, even symbolic acts of dissent, like holding up a blank piece of paper, can lead to life-disrupting consequences. 

Authoritarian regimes understand the power of dissent and the threat posed by those who dare to speak. That’s why they’ve developed increasingly sophisticated methods to target activists, journalists, human rights lawyers, and civil society leaders, both inside their borders and abroad. Their reach extends across continents, threatening those in exile through transnational repression and those at home through direct prosecution. 

The following stories from grantees illustrate why NED’s approach to protection must adapt to the risks posed by both transnational repression and direct prosecution. 

Rushan Abbas at the 2025 Democracy Awards. (Photo: M.K. Mindful Media)

Case Study: Rushan Abbas and the CCP’s Hostage Diplomacy

Rushan Abbas, founder of Campaign for Uyghurs and a NED grantee, gave her first public speech about China’s abuses in Xinjiang in 2018. Her husband’s entire family had already vanished in the 2017 crackdown. Just six days after her speech, her sister, Dr. Gulshan Abbas, a retired medical doctor with no political ties, also disappeared. 

“She was being targeted because of my advocacy,” Abbas said. “Every day I wake up with her eyes in my mind. Of course, I feel guilty. Speaking out in the United States as an American citizen cost my sister her freedom.” 

To this day, Dr. Gulshan Abbas remains missing in China’s vast detention system—her only ”crime” being related to someone who exposed the CCP’s abuses. This brutal form of hostage diplomacy forces exiled activists into an impossible choice: stay silent or risk their loved ones’ safety. 

Case Study: Natalia Arno and the Kremlin’s Transnational Reach

Natalia Arno (Photo by THOMAS SAMSON/AFP via Getty Images)

Natalia Arno, president of the Free Russia Foundation and a longtime NED partner, was forced into exile from Russia in 2012. Since then, she’s been a leading voice in exile activism, advocating for political prisoners, supporting democratic leaders, and coordinating programs to hold the Putin regime accountable. 

But in May 2023, after a private event in Prague, she returned to her hotel to find the door ajar and a strange scent inside the room. Hours later, she experienced numbness, pain, and blurred vision. Doctors in Washington, D.C. confirmed exposure to nerve toxins. 

“I never could have believed the scale and brazenness and how long the Kremlin tentacles are into the West,” she said. Despite years of surveillance and intimidation, Arno continues her work. “You could lose your life,” she said, listing examples of poisoned, tortured, and murdered activists. “I have been in this game for 20 years, and I can write a book about all the kinds of attacks against me in Russia.” 

Activism in Exile and Under Authoritarian Rule 

Authoritarian regimes target democracy advocates in two primary ways. Activists working inside authoritarian states face direct repressiondenial of employment, education or housing to surveillance, interrogation, imprisonment, or death. Activists living in exile, such as members of the diaspora, confront transnational repression: intimidation, harassment, cyberattacks, and retaliation against relatives still living under dictatorship. 

While both forms of courage are vital to the cause of freedom, they require different kinds of protection. For activists in exile like Abbas and Arno, visibility can be both a tool and a vulnerability—they use their public platforms to build international support while enduring harassment and threats from afar. For those working quietly inside repressive states, even the faintest association with democracy support can result in severe consequences. NED’s Duty of Care and Do-Not-Disclose policies reflect this spectrum of risk, providing flexible protections appropriate to different contexts, roles, and levels of exposure.

Visibility and Risk in Democracy Activism 

Activists face difficult decisions about how visible they can afford to be. For some who live in exile, like Abbas and Arno, activism is essential to raising awareness and building international support. As public figures in free societies, they can testify before lawmakers, engage journalists, and speak on behalf of silenced communities.  But even in freedom, visibility comes with the danger of transnational repression. 

Abbas has faced smear campaigns, online harassment, and death threats requiring FBI involvement. Her family in China has been targeted. “Those kinds of things actually became so normal because we face this almost weekly or monthly,” she said. “And we just laugh at it and take it as the impact of our work.” 

Arno’s risks didn’t end after fleeing Russia. “Being in NATO or EU countries doesn’t save us from this huge Kremlin machine,” she said. “Surveillance is still huge, cyberattacks are huge, but also physical attacks.”  

These cases illustrate the first front of transnational repression: authoritarian regimes projecting power beyond their borders to intimidate, threaten, or attack critics abroad. 

Iran has become one of the clearest examples of how far authoritarian regimes are willing to go to silence dissent beyond their borders. Iranian democracy activists, journalists, and human rights defenders living in exile have faced kidnapping plots, assassination attempts, surveillance, and harassment across Europe and North America. Multiple Western governments have linked Iranian intelligence services to plots targeting exiled dissidents, leading to disrupted operations, criminal prosecutions, and sanctions. Iran’s efforts to pursue critics abroad underscore the growing reality of transnational repression and the need for democracy organizations to extend duty-of-care protections even to partners living in open societies.

At the same time, this external pressure is inseparable from the repression activists face at home. For those still inside authoritarian states, the threat is direct and unrelenting. These activists continue their work at great personal risk, operating under surveillance, harassment, and the constant threat of arrest or imprisonment while pushing for democratic change. 

In response to these dangers, many activists adopt a lower profile. How public they are in their work is an intentional choice to protect themselves, their families, and their networks from retaliation. While the steps they take to remain safe in authoritarian environments may mean their activism lacks the visibility of public campaigns, it is no less vital. Activists in authoritarian environments take great risks to build the infrastructure of democracy movements—documenting abuses, organizing communities, and informing international action. 

In China, the Chinese government has systematically stigmatized international democracy funding. Even tenuous connections to external support and collaboration can carry severe consequences. As one activist working with international human rights and democracy organizations explained, “Me, myself, my family members, were interrogated by police officers in China.” Others have been detained and prosecuted for similar work. The Chinese government has also targeted the family members of human rights defenders in an effort to deter continued activism. 

As a result, discretion is essential. “We prefer NED to not mention our names publicly,” the activist said, “in order to protect staff members and board members and even former colleagues, former members, and our families.”  

Public activism draws global attention and builds coalitions, but it also brings heightened risk. Regimes often target public figures to intimidate or silence them—and to send a warning to others.  

Activism that seeks to engage in quieter and less confrontational forms of engagement, by contrast, can provide greater security and sustainability, particularly in repressive settings. “While of course it’s much more dangerous for those activists who are inside Russia to speak out,” one Russian activist explained, “it’s much safer for those working in exile and most continue their work quietly.”  

Human rights work in authoritarian environments demands different operational and political strategies. While the work often seeks to expose gross human rights abuses and expose corrupt networks, the ability to gather and verify the information requires close cooperation between groups that are in exile and networks that are in country.  

In Tibet, NED-supported partners have documented China’s campaign to erase Tibetan identity through colonial-style boarding schools. In Venezuela and Cuba, investigative journalists have exposed corruption and human rights violations while keeping low profiles to stay safe. While international and exile organizations are often the face of the work, the networks on the ground are equally essential to what they achieve. 

As Arno put it, “People are our biggest value, our biggest treasure. When activists are facing such dangerous things like imprisonment, torture, murder, we have to protect them with all possible measures.” 

Supporting Activists Safely and Effectively

Since its founding in 1983, NED has supported democracy activists and citizen leaders—whether operating in exile or inside closed societies—to advance human rights and democratic values in some of the world’s most repressive contexts. NED’s Founding Statement of Principles and Objectives notes that in “societies where even [these] independent institutions are prohibited or severely restricted, the immediate objective is to enlarge whatever possibilities exist for independent thought, expression, and cultural activity. … [The Endowment] will not neglect those who keep alive the flame of freedom in closed societies.”   

As a congressionally mandated independent nonprofit, NED was designed to provide support to its partners in a way that is impactful, secure, and accountable. Few donors are structured to do this work with the same level of care and discretion, which is why frontline democracy advocates consistently place their trust in NED. 

Key to NED’s approach is the principle of protection through discretion. As NED’s Board of Directors approve grantmaking strategy and individual projects, the identifying details of grantees are made available to them. However, we avoid public disclosures that could expose partners to government reprisal. This is not only an ethical commitment—it is a key operating principle rooted in NED’s Duty of Care and Public Disclosure Policies, which obligates the organization to do no harm. 

Without this policy of protection, many activists could not safely engage with international support. “It’s very difficult to build reputation and trust” one democracy activist said. “How you treat your grantees, with special care and understanding of the particularities of each region, should be the gold standard that all donors take as an example.”   

NED’s Approach to Public Disclosure of Grantees 

NED publishes listings of its current grantees twice a year on its website and includes a comprehensive listing of grantees in its annual report, complete with grant descriptions, grant amounts, and grant durations, organized by country and region. However, we do not publicly disclose personally identifiable information in these listings to avoid placing individuals at risk, now or in the future.  

Some have asked why NED does not publish the personally identifying details of its grantees on its website. The reason is simple: in many cases, doing so would put a target on the backs of those we support and compromise their ability to do their work.

NED’s Duty of Care and Public Disclosure policies seek to balance the ability of our partners to operate as freely and securely as possible with our transparency requirements. At the same time, our relationship with our grantees is fully transparent. Organizations must take the initiative themselves to seek support from the Endowment. They know who we are, where our funds come from, and the values that guide our support. Activists seek out NED’s assistance precisely because it is open, accountable, and trusted. 

NED respects the agency of its grantees to decide whether it is safe to publicly disclose their relationship with NED. Organizations regularly and proudly share their partnership with NED as a mark of credibility and support. Others, particularly those operating in hostile environments, often request confidentiality to safeguard their security and effectiveness. In all cases, NED ensures our partners are aware of our policies and procedures so that they can make informed decisions about their own public posture. 

This approach is an ethical obligation as much as it is a matter of organizational policy. We know about the persecution of Uyghurs and underground Christians in China, the protests in Cuba and Iran, the continued repression in Belarus and Nicaragua, and human rights abuses in Burma and North Korea because courageous individuals risk their lives to report them. Supporting democracy means more than funding programs or issuing statements—it means protecting the people behind the work. 

With that responsibility comes a duty: to minimize risk, not add to it through careless exposure. In a world where authoritarian regimes are increasingly sophisticated, coordinated, and ruthless in targeting dissent, discretion becomes an essential safeguard. 

Transparency and Accountability 

Even as NED protects grantee confidentiality in public settings, it maintains rigorous transparency and accountability to the NED Board, Congress, and U.S. oversight bodies. The NED Board reviews and approves both grantmaking strategy and individual grants. As outlined in our Duty of Care, we submit comprehensive annual plans and updates to congressional committees that outline our strategy and grantmaking priorities. We maintain active communication with Members and their staff, respond promptly to official requests for information, and create opportunities for elected officials to engage directly with our grantees—both in Washington and abroad—to better understand the real-world impact of NED-supported efforts. We likewise provide an annual report to the executive branch as a formal accounting of our work, priorities, and impact. NED consults regularly with representatives of the legislative and executive branches on our work, both in Washington and in the field, and responds to Freedom of Information Act information requests.  

NED upholds strict due diligence and financial oversight procedures to ensure that resources are used responsibly and for their intended purpose. Our grantmaking is governed by the standards of all federal spending, with clear agreements, financial reporting requirements, and independent audits to ensure funds are used for their intended purpose.  

In addition, the Endowment is subject to comprehensive oversight, including Government Accountability Office (GAO) investigations, State Department Inspector General reviews, and annual independent audits

By combining discretion abroad with transparency at home, NED fulfills its dual responsibility: protecting those who advance freedom in repressive environments while remaining transparent and accountable. As authoritarian threats grow more complex and far-reaching, we will continue strengthening our Duty of Care so those who defend democracy can pursue their work safely, effectively, and with confidence in the support behind them. 

Kyrgyzstan Court releases Makhabat Tazhibek Kyzy ahead of retrial

March 28, 2026

Front line Defenders on 27 March 2026 shared an update on human rights defender Makhabat Tazhibek Kyzy:

On 23 March 2026, the Leninskii District Court of the City of Bishkek, Kyrgyzstan, ordered the release of a woman human rights defender Makhabat Tazhibek Kyzy from prison. At the preliminary session of the retrial in her case, the Court changed the measure of restraint and granted her release from the penal colony where she had been detained. Her release is conditional upon an order not to leave the country. The retrial is scheduled to begin on 7 April 2026.

Makhabat Tazhibek Kyzy is a woman human rights defender and journalist. She is the director of Temirov Live and Ayt Ayt Dece. Temirov Live is a YouTube-based media outlet that investigates and reports on corruption by state and non-state actors in Kyrgyzstan, founded in 2020 by Bolot Temirov, a prominent Kyrgyzstani human rights defender and journalist. Ayt Ayt Dese is a YouTube-based project aimed at popularising human rights issues through the performance and publication of folk songs on human rights topics. Among other topics, Ayt Ayt Dese has covered investigations by Temirov Live.

On 23 March 2026, Leninskii District Court of the city of Bishkek commenced the retrial of the case of Makhabat Tazhibek Kyzy with a preliminary session. The retrial was set following a decision of the Supreme Court of Kyrgyzstan on 10 March 2026. Based on Opinion No. 52/2025 by the UN Working Group on Arbitrary Detention, the Supreme Court ordered a retrial and overturned the previous rulings that sentenced the woman human rights defender to six years in prison.

At the preliminary session, Makhabat Tazhibek Kyzy’s lawyers filed three motions. First, the defence attorneys requested the Court to declare the expert witness evidence from previous trials as inadmissible, arguing that authorities had pressured the expert witnesses into giving false testimonies. The issue of evidence tampering by the authorities was previously highlighted in the case of human rights defender and whistleblower Zhoomart Karabaiev, who was on trial for reporting that authorities pressured expert witnesses to provide statements supporting the prosecution. The second motion requested that the Court immediately and unconditionally ceases all judicial proceedings against Makhabat Tazhibek Kyzy. The third motion sought a change in her measure of restraint, from detention in the penal colony to release under the condition that she remains in the country. While the Court denied the first two motions, it agreed to change the measure of restraint for Makhabat Tazhibek Kyzy, leading to her release later that day.

Upon her release, Makhabat Tazhibek Kyzy expressed gratitude for the support she has received since the beginning of the prosecution against her in 2024. However, she also shared that she was subjected to psychological pressure and violence from the authorities in the penal colony, which aimed at exacerbating her isolation from the community supporting and defending her rights.

Front Line Defenders welcomes the Court’s decision to release Makhabat Tazhibek Kyzy, who has been targeted solely for her peaceful and legitimate human rights work. The organisation continues to call upon the authorities in Kyrgyzstan to immediately and unconditionally cease all types of persecution targeting the woman human rights defender and drop all charges against her.

https://www.frontlinedefenders.org/en/case/court-releases-makhabat-tazhibek-kyzy-ahead-retrial

CIVICUS Monitor Watchlist of March 2026 is out

March 28, 2026
GlobalAnnouncement.March2026 1

The March 2026 Watchlist from the CIVICUS Monitor highlights five countries where civic freedoms are deteriorating at an alarming pace: Ecuador, Georgia, Iran, the Philippines and Benin. Each faces escalating restrictions on fundamental rights, including freedoms of expression, association and peaceful assembly. The Watchlist draws on research findings, partner input and testimony from activists on the ground, and signals where urgent international attention is needed.

CIVICUS MONITOR CIVIC SPACE RATINGS:

 OPENNARROWEDOBSTRUCTEDREPRESSEDCLOSED

Ecuador
Civic space rating: Obstructed 
Ecuador’s government has increasingly relied on militarised security measures, invoking an “internal armed conflict” to justify exceptional powers. Indigenous-led protests in 2025 were met with lethal force, arbitrary detentions and internet disruptions. Environmental and Indigenous leaders face criminalisation, with more than 200 social leaders investigated or prosecuted. A 2025 law has expanded state control over civil society organisations, enabling account freezes and burdensome reporting. Journalists face killings, attacks and suspensions of media outlets, all unfolding amid a broader erosion of judicial independence.

See full country announcement

Georgia
Civic space rating: Repressed
Georgia has seen a dramatic decline in civic space, marked by mass protests since late 2024 and heavy-handed police responses. Hundreds have been detained, tortured or investigated. New laws restrict protests, impose “foreign agent” requirements on civil society and media, and threaten criminal penalties for receiving foreign funding. Opposition parties and leaders face politically motivated charges, and new rules bar many civil society actors from political participation for years.

See full country announcement

Iran
Civic space rating: Closed
Iran’s civic space, already severely restricted, has worsened following mass protests over economic and political grievances. Security forces killed thousands of protesters in January 2026 during a nationwide internet blackout, and tens of thousands were arrested. After regional airstrikes in February 2026, authorities imposed another shutdown and intensified censorship. Journalists and activists face extreme risk, and some detainees now face the death penalty. Despite repression, demonstrations continue following the death of the Supreme Leader.

See full country announcement

The Philippines
Civic space rating: Repressed
Civic space in the Philippines remains under pressure, with police violence and mass arrests during anti-corruption protests in 2025. Dozens of protesters face sedition charges under cybercrime laws. Human rights defenders are frequently targeted, including through fabricated terrorism-financing cases. Red-tagging—accusing critics of communist links—remains widespread. Journalists also face prosecution, including the conviction of reporter Frenchie Mae Cumpio after years of pre-trial detention.

See full country announcement

Benin
Civic space rating: Obstructed 
Benin approaches its April 2026 presidential election with shrinking democratic space. Strict electoral rules have limited the field to two approved candidates, and the January 2026 legislative elections produced a parliament without opposition representation. Authorities increasingly use the Digital Code to prosecute journalists and critics, while media outlets face suspensions and mandatory government messaging. Protests are routinely banned or dispersed, and fear of reprisals has led to widespread self-censorship.

See full country announcement

https://www.civicus.org/index.php/media-resources/news/8201-civicus-monitor-watchlist-march-2026

Kyrgyz court frees Makhabat Tajibek kyzy but fails to drop retaliatory charges 

March 24, 2026
Makhabat Kyzy
Makhabat Kyzy. Photo: Private

The Leninskiy District Court in Bishkek ruled today release Makhabat Tajibek kyzy into house arrest local media reported. Makhabat Tajibek kyzy is a female media director who has spent more than two years in state custody after her arrest in January 2024. [see also https://humanrightsdefenders.blog/2025/04/26/central-asia-leaders-must-deliver-on-human-rights-pledges-made-at-summit-say-ngos/

Judge Temirbek Mamatov, who reviewed the case following the ruling by the nation’s Supreme Court, refused to drop the charges and acquit the journalist who participated in the hearing via a web link from the prison colony, Radio Azattyk reported. Mamatov also imposed a travel ban on Tajibek kyzy, and her case is expected to be retried. 

On 23 March 2026 Civil Rights Defenders welcomed the decision allowing Makhabat Tajibek kyzy to return home and to finally reunite with her family and teenage son. We also repeat the call that Civil Rights Defenders and other human rights groups have made since the day Tajibek kyzy and her colleagues were arrested: Kyrgyzstani authorities should drop all unsubstantiated charges brought in retaliation for her legitimate journalistic work. Makhabat Tajibek kyzy needs to be fully acquitted and rehabilitated.  

The director of anti-corruption investigative outlets Temirov Live and Ait Ait Dese, Tajibek kyzy was arrested in January 2024 along with 10 other current and former staff members and sentenced in October of that year to six years in prison on charges of calling for mass unrest. Until today, all of her co-defendants in the case have been released from jail under probation, pardoned or acquitted. 

https://crd.org/2026/03/23/kyrgyz-court-frees-jailed-media-director-but-fails-to-drop-retaliatory-charges/

Populism Speaks to Young Men – Why Don’t Human Rights?

March 23, 2026

A blog post by Matilde Da Luz on 18 March 2026 of Columbia University is not directly related to human rights defenders but so interesting that it is reproduced here in full:

By now, most women recognize the script. Raise a point about sexism, feminism, or gender equality and the response is often predictable. You are “angry.” You are “too woke.” You have, somehow, made things awkward. The figure of the angry feminist woman has become so familiar that it no longer feels like an accusation so much as a reflex – a shorthand for dismissing political discomfort without engaging it. You become labelled, often unconsciously, as the “killjoy.”

What is striking is that this stereotype persists at a moment when anger is hardly in short supply. Much of it belongs to men, and is increasingly confident, public, and political. It circulates online, where terms like incel and manosphere emerge in everyday vocabulary. It is surfacing in dating culture, classrooms, and family conversations, where feminism is framed less as a demand for equality than as a provocation. And it is showing up in electoral politics.

According to a recent study that analyzed the 2024 European Parliament elections, more than 21 percent of young men aged 18–29 voted for far-right parties, compared to around 14 percent of young women. This marks one of the clearest gender gaps in far-right support among younger voters across Europe. The more interesting question, then, is not why women continue to be frustrated by patriarchy, but why so many young men appear increasingly angry – and why that anger seems to be so easily mobilized by populist language.

These questions matter since they sit at the intersection of two developments that have often been discussed separately: the rise of far-right populism and the growing difficulty of human rights discourse in reaching young men. Analysts tend to explain young men’s support for the far right through conditions such as economic anxiety, cultural backlash, or online radicalization. However, while these explanations are not wrong, they often miss something central. Far-right populism offers, very compellingly, a way of making grievance feel politically intelligible. At the same time, the language of human rights, which is ostensibly universal, egalitarian, and moral, consistently fails to resonate with this same group. Why is that?

Put differently: why do young men gravitate toward far-right populism, and why does human rights language so often fail to reach them? In truth, populism’s success and human rights’ struggle with this demographic turn out to be two sides of the same affective and gendered coin.

Far-right populism works, in part, because it is emotionally economical. It is successful in offering a pretty clear story about who has been wronged and who is to blame. So-called “ordinary people” are portrayed as betrayed by the elites and threatened by outsiders, which usually results in a moral landscape drawn in bold lines. Hence, politics becomes a struggle between betrayal and redemption, insiders and outsiders, rescue and decline. Interestingly enough, the subject at the center of this story is often presented as implicitly masculine: the sidelined worker, the disrespected citizen, the young man who feels displaced by feminism, multiculturalism, or economic change.

The appeal here, instead of ideological, is primarily affective. Populist narratives do not ask people to manage resentment, or to adapt their anger into appropriate language or tone. Instead, they expertly validate it. Woundedness is treated as evidence that something is wrong, and the emotion can no longer be overcome. Consequently, anger becomes legible, even reasonable.

The manosphere provides the perfect illustration of how this emotional logic can take shape well before it reaches the ballot box. These online spaces are frequented by men who successfully reframe their personal frustrations into a collective grievance of sorts. Incel culture, in particular, offers men a way to interpret loneliness, rejection, or economic insecurity as structural and systemic injustices that are, in turn, blamed on women and feminism. The appeal lies, then, in the comfort of certainty – the reassurance that their frustrations have an identifiable cause.

This anger, however, is also material. Masculinity has long been bound up with material arrangements that once offered stability and recognition, especially waged labor. As these arrangements erode, insecurity is no longer experienced only as an economic loss. Rather, it becomes existential. When economic institutions no longer sustain the forms of masculine authority they once did, insecurity is lived as a disruption of gendered meaning which, in turn, produces an affective opening for populist recruitment. Loss demands explanation, and far-right populism is efficient at providing one.

Human rights discourse, on the other hand, speaks in a very different register. It tends to be careful, professionalized, and abstract, emphasizing universality, dignity, and legal principle. It often assumes a rational subject – someone capable of setting aside their own personal grievances in favor of universal principles. In fact, contemporary human rights talk has increasingly framed itself as a project of restraint, focused on preventing the worst harms rather than focusing on articulating a substantive vision of justice.

Arguably, human rights language can be emotionally compelling for those already disposed toward empathy. The difficulty is that, in a political moment marked by an erosion of empathy and an intensification of hostility – increasingly directed at women and feminism – this association can have the opposite effect. In truth, human rights discourse is often perceived by young men as “feminized”, not because of its commitments to gender equality, but because of its association to empathy, vulnerability, protection and care – traits that patriarchal orders frequently characterize as feminine. This can further alienate young men who already feel dismissed, blamed, or morally lectured.

The contrast is, therefore, stark. At the same time that populism validates and valorizes woundedness, human rights seek to neutralize it. In this sense, populism animates emotional life, whereas human rights assume a rational subject who is willing to rise above it. For young men whose political identities are boomingly shaped by feelings of loss and displacement, far-right populism feels personal. Human rights feel procedural.

This does not mean that human rights lack emotional appeal. Contrarily, humanitarian campaigns have long relied on images of suffering to mobilize concern. But these appeals typically work through pity rather than grievance, and compassion rather than anger. They usually frame people as victims in need of protection, not as political subjects whose injuries demand some sort of structural change, much like populists do. In a political moment increasingly organized around resentment, this framing can feel misaligned.

This dynamic essentially reshapes the terrain of political identification itself. As grievance grows more consistently recognized and organized through populist frames, hostility toward feminism is structurally reinforced, and, at the same time, equality is emergently experienced by young men as loss. In this context, human rights struggles to appear as a credible site of recognition in a political scene where belonging is produced through exclusionary ideologies.

Within these circumstances, deeper questions arise. If contemporary politics is increasingly organized through fear, anger, and the pleasures of moral certainty, what kind of ethical and political subject can human rights still presume, and cultivate? In other words, in a world where resentment so efficiently creates “the people,” how can empathy win without becoming naïve, moralizing, or politically empty?

https://blogs.cuit.columbia.edu/rightsviews/2026/03/18/populism-speaks-to-young-men-why-dont-human-rights/

Human rights NGOs raise concerns over proposal to reduce how often Special Procedures report to the General Assembly

March 19, 2026

Delivering a statement under General Debate item 5, a group of human rights organisations has raised concerns about ongoing discussions at the Human Rights Council to reduce the frequency with which Special Procedures report to the General Assembly.

These reports play a critical role in informing all UN Member States about pressing human rights issues and their links to peace, security, and sustainable development. They also help maintain visibility and political support for the UN’s human rights work in New York.

The statement emphasised that efforts to improve efficiency cannot be separated from the broader liquidity and budgetary crises affecting the UN, urging States to ensure that mandates are adequately resourced, to defend the independence of mandate holders, to protect civil society participation, and to ensure that those most at risk can continue to engage with this Council safely and meaningfully.

The written version of the statement can be found here

After delivering the statement, ISHR, Amnesty International and partner organisations outlined their concerns and recommendations in a letter sent to states. 

One-size-fits-all approach: Several initiatives proposed during this 61st session appear to adopt a standardised approach with the aim of addressing a variety of objectives, including the Third Committee’s workload, cost-saving and rationalisation, rather than pursuing a strategic and mandate-specific assessment of impact and opportunities. 

Lack of consultation: Proposals have also been advanced without meaningful consultation with the directly affected communities and concerned mandate holders, with sufficient time ahead of the Human Rights Council session, around the implications of reduced reporting to the General Assembly, and possible alternatives.

Resources and extraordinary character: Initiatives to shift to biannual or triennial reporting to the General Assembly, without recognising the temporary and exceptional nature of such measures, risk entrenching this practice over the long term. This could also lead to a reduction in Regular Budget resources, in line with decreased General Assembly reporting.

Read the full letter here.

https://ishr.ch/latest-updates/hrc61-organisations-concerned-over-impacts-of-budget-cuts-on-work-of-special-procedures

Seán Binder in Amnesty podcast ‘On the Side of Humanity’ doubts EU rules will protect migrant rescue workers

March 15, 2026

For years, Seán Binder’s life was turned upside down because he believed people’s pulses should be checked before their passports. In January, he was finally acquitted of charges relating to his humanitarian work helping migrants and refugees at sea. [https://www.bbc.com/news/articles/c98j7n2xj1xo]

Here, he shares his story and his concerns over a new piece of EU legislation that threatens vital humanitarian work in future. 

[see https://humanrightsdefenders.blog/2022/07/28/human-rights-defenders-in-greece-my-adopted-country-not-doing-well/]

My ordeal started at about 2am one morning in February 2018, when I was arrested by the Greek police. People were fleeing conflicts at home and coming to Europe seeking safety in unseaworthy boats and I was helping the Emergency Response Center International to conduct search and rescue activities.

I was detained without understanding what exactly was happening; we were provided neither a lawyer nor an interpreter. After two nights, we were released “pending further investigation.” We continued to do search and rescue. After all, we had done nothing wrong. In fact, we continued to cooperate with the very authorities that had arrested us.

Then, in August 2018, six months after our initial arrest, my colleague and I were detained again. This time, we were charged with serious crimes, including forgery, the illegal use of radio frequencies, espionage, money laundering, being members of a criminal organization, and facilitating illegal entry….Finally, on 15 January this year, I was acquitted. The prosecutor at trial stated there was no evidence of criminality, and the panel of judges unanimously agreed that my 23 co-defendants and I were motivated by, and engaged in, legal humanitarianism.

Whilst I am delighted not to be returning to prison, it has taken far too long for this absurd prosecution to collapse. In the interim, the damage has already been done. EU states’ authorities have obstructed civilian rescue efforts, and over 32,000 lives have been lost at Europe’s borders since 2014.  Meanwhile, dozens of humanitarians across Europe face similar prosecutions, obstruction, intimidation and harassment. Sadly, my case was not the exception but part of a wider pattern of states criminalizing humanitarian work.

The current effort to reform EU anti-smuggling legislation, the so-called “Facilitators Package” offers an opportunity to address some of the issues that have led to our baseless prosecution. However, the proposed revisions to the legislation might inadvertently increase the risk of criminalizing rescue workers – meaning future prosecutions will still be possible and may not end in acquittals like mine. They will also impact migrants, people of migrant origin and racialized people who all too often suffer from these policies.

As Amnesty International has highlighted, the proposal’s broad and vague provisions risk perpetuating the criminalization of refugees, migrants and human rights defenders. Any reform should clarify explicitly and in a binding manner that acts of humanitarian assistance or solidarity should be exempted from prosecution or punishment. Migrants who may have been smuggled themselves, or people assisting their family members should also be protected from criminal liability.

Through this reform, the EU has an opportunity to align with the EU Charter, UN Conventions and Smuggling Protocols, and treaties on maritime search and rescue, and to explicitly protect the right to life, the right to seek asylum, and the duty to render assistance.

As it stands, the proposal tries to expand the avenues to pursue humanitarian workers by introducing the crime of “public instigation” of irregular migration. This vague new provision could be misconstrued to harm refugees and migrants, advocates and activists protesting unjust migration laws or professionals providing legal information or assistance.

Prosecutors should focus on exploitation and violence, including by authorities summarily force people across land or sea borders.

Last year, the European Court of Human Rights found “serious evidence” of systematic pushbacks in Greece. Evidence of similar practices has been mounting across European borders. Without border monitoring, this already opaque crime becomes ever more obscure. Finally, trafficking, another cross-border crime, is arguably exacerbated by EU policy. A UN report published in 2018 found that asylum seekers in Libya face “unlawful killings, torture, arbitrary detention, gang rape, slavery, forced labour and extortion,” with apparent complicity by State actors. Nevertheless, the EU has for years financed the so-called Libyan Coast Guard.

Whether in the Facilitators Package or in its wider border policies, the EU must respect the rule of law and human rights.

The way to stop people taking dangerous journeys is providing safe and legal pathways for protection, commensurate in scale with the need for protection, and channels for regular migration for those seeking a better life. By denying safe routes, the EU pushes people into the arms and boats of smugglers and traffickers.

All the while, EU laws and narratives on stopping smugglers continue being used to criminalize migrants and people doing what they can to save lives or offer assistance. Unless the reform of the Facilitators package takes serious steps to uphold the duty to rescue and defend humanitarians, people will continue to risk jail for doing what is normal, human behaviour: helping others at risk.

Watch Seán as he discusses his case, his reflections and hopes for the future.

Listen to Séan’s full story in the first season of Amnesty’s podcast ‘On the Side of Humanity’.

[see Also: https://humanrightsdefenders.blog/2024/01/16/5-podcasts-by-human-rights-defenders/]

Two new interactive tools to strengthen diplomatic initiatives to support human rights defenders

March 13, 2026

ISHR is launching two new interactive tools to strengthen diplomatic initiatives to support human rights defenders.

  • one tool designed for diplomats and
  • the other for defenders;

The resources provide practical guidance on how to enhance diplomatic support for defenders to prevent risks, respond to threats and better protect those working to promote and defend human rights. The tools will be available in English, French and Spanish.

Human rights defenders (HRDs) play a vital role in promoting accountability and advancing justice. Yet defenders around the world increasingly face harassment, criminalisation, surveillance, detention and reprisals because of their work. Diplomatic missions can play an important role in the overall protection strategy for defenders, including by addressing risks, monitoring cases, engaging authorities, or providing emergency support when defenders face serious threats. Some countries or region have adopted specific ‘Diplomatic Guidelines’ on the protection of human rights defenders (HRDs), including Switzerland, Canada, the European Union, Norway, Finland, and the UK.

[See e.g. : https://humanrightsdefenders.blog/2019/09/01/ngos-call-canadas-revised-guidelines-on-human-rights-defenders-a-step-in-the-right-direction/

https://humanrightsdefenders.blog/2014/11/02/swiss-guidelines-on-human-rights-defenders-analyzed-by-civil-society/

also: https://humanrightsdefenders.blog/2014/06/11/osce-publishes-guidelines-on-the-protection-of-human-rights-defenders/

https://www.government.nl/topics/human-rights/human-rights-worldwide/supporting-human-rights-defenders

To help strengthen the effective use of diplomatic protection measures, ISHR has developed two new interactive tools aimed at two complementary audiences: diplomats and human rights defenders themselves. 

The first tool provides practical guidance for diplomatic and permanent missions on how to better provide quality, consistent and targeted support and protection to defenders including through the implementation of existing ‘diplomatic guidelines’ (40 minutes to complete).  It outlines key principles for diplomatic engagement, including applying a “do no harm” approach, consulting closely with defenders, and adopting flexible and context-specific responses. It also highlights forms of diplomatic support, from regular engagement with defenders to trial observation, public advocacy, and emergency measures such as facilitating visas or temporary relocation. 

The second tool is designed for human rights defenders and civil society organisations (20 minutes to complete). It is intended to help defenders better leverage diplomatic support by developing understanding of diplomatic guidelines, how they work, and what defenders should consider to safely engage with embassies and diplomatic missions. It also outlines the types of support that may be available, from meetings with diplomats and public advocacy to targeted or emergency assistance in situations of risk. 

The content is grounded in the needs and lived experiences of HRDs, as documented by ISHR and other international organisations, and is informed by international human rights norms and standards. It draws in particular from the UN Declaration on Human Rights Defenders and its recent supplement, the Declaration+25

By enhancing understanding of diplomatic initiatives and making them more accessible, ISHR aims to strengthen collaboration between diplomats and defenders and help ensure that defenders can continue their essential work in safer conditions. We also hope these tools may serve to catalyse action by States that have not yet adopted specific diplomatic guidelines. 

The two interactive tools are available on the ISHR Academy in EnglishFrench and Spanish

If you want more information or provide feedback on those initiatives, please contact us at: training@ishr.ch  

https://ishr.ch/latest-updates/new-tools-strengthening-the-protection-of-human-rights-defenders-with-diplomatic-guidelines

https://academy.ishr.ch/learn/diplomatic-support-for-human-rights-defenders/interactive-tool-1

Risks for Human Rights Defenders amid war in the Middle East

March 10, 2026

On 5 March 2026, Front Line Defenders expressed deep concern over the escalating hostilities across the Middle East and their devastating impact on civilians following US and Israeli air strikes on Iran and subsequent retaliatory strikes by Iran against Israel and several Gulf states. In line with our mandate, we are particularly alarmed by the heightened risks faced by human rights defenders across the region, including those arbitrarily detained for their peaceful human rights work…

Human rights defenders deprived of liberty are particularly vulnerable in such contexts. During periods of conflict, detained defenders may face increased risks of ill-treatment while access to medical care, family contact, legal representation, and independent monitoring may become further restricted. The risk of such violations increases if hostilities occur in close proximity to detention facilities.

Woman human rights defender and Nobel Peace Laureate Narges Mohammadi, currently detained in Zanjan prison, reported severe explosions in close proximity following airstrikes. Golrokh Iraee, Sepideh Gholian, Shima Ghooseh, Sharifeh Mohammadi, Serveh Mohammadi, Mohammad Najafi, Mohammad Reza Faghihi, Reza Khandan, Ahmadreza Haeri, Taher Naghavi, Seyed Mehdi Karimi Farsi, Javad Alikordi, Abolfazl Ranjbari, Hashem Khastar, and Masoud Farhikhteh remain exposed to airstrikes. Their access to basic human needs are further restricted while detained in Tehran, Mashhad, Gilan, and other provinces.

Human rights groups are expressing concern over the deteriorating situation in Evin prison in Iran, where many human rights defenders are currently detained. Based on reports these groups have received from prisoners “the Security Ward 209 has been evacuated” and “anti-riot forces are stationed in the surrounding buildings.” Food distribution has reportedly also been disrupted. On the evening of 2 March 2026, the Israeli military forces reportedly issued an urgent evacuation order to people in the Evin neighbourhood. On 23 June 2025, during the twelve-day Israel-Iran conflict, Israeli forces attacked the Evin compound and Evin prison. Prisoners, including human rights defenders, were evacuated from the prison following the attacks. Iranian officials reported over 70 people killed from this attack on the Evin compound..

In Bahrain, there have been reports of strikes only kilometres from Jau prison where human rights defender Abdulhadi Al-Khawaja continues to serve a life sentence for his peaceful human rights work alongside fellow human rights defender Dr Abduljalil Al-Singace. Front Line Defenders is also concerned over reports of arrests of defenders linked to anti-war protests in Bahrain and calls on the authorities to respect the rights to freedom of expression and peaceful assembly.

All parties to the conflict must uphold their obligations under international human rights and humanitarian law, including the protection of civilians and those deprived of liberty. Hospitals, schools, and other sites protected under international humanitarian law, where human rights defenders and other civilians carry out essential work and provide humanitarian assistance, must not be targeted. Authorities should also immediately release detained human rights defenders and ensure they have access to adequate healthcare, contact with family members and legal counsel, and independent monitoring.

Front Line Defenders call on the international community, states, and multilateral organisations to remain attentive to the situation of human rights defenders in the region, raise protection concerns with the relevant authorities and provide concrete support and protection measures for human rights defenders at risk, if necessary through support with temporary relocation and emergency visa support.

Front Line Defenders stands in solidarity with human rights defenders across the region who continue their work under extremely difficult and dangerous circumstances.

https://www.frontlinedefenders.org/en/statement-report/heightened-risks-human-rights-defenders-amid-escalating-hostilities-middle-east

Amnesty Reports Attacks on Indonesian Human Rights Defenders in 2024 – four acquitted in 2026

March 6, 2026

On 29 April 2025 (last year) Amnesty International Indonesia raised concerns over the persistent violence and intimidation targeting human rights defenders in the country, recording at least 123 cases involving physical assaults, digital attacks, threats, and other retaliatory actions against 288 individuals throughout 2024.

Usman Hamid, Executive Director of Amnesty International Indonesia, attributed the frequency of such incidents to a lack of strong legal safeguards. “This makes human rights defenders vulnerable to threats and intimidation,” Usman said.

He added that the absence of robust legal frameworks also results in weak law enforcement, with only a few perpetrators of violence against human rights defenders in 2024 being brought to justice. Among the cases highlighted was the shooting of lawyer and human rights advocate Yan Christian Warinussy in Manokwari, West Papua, on July 17, 2024, after attending a corruption trial. [see https://www.hrw.org/news/2024/07/25/prominent-rights-lawyer-shot-west-papua-indonesia] “As of the end of the year, there has been no progress known in the police investigation,” Usman stated.

It was not until February 2025 that police arrested a suspect, ZT, in connection with the shooting. The arrest took place at a residence in Manokwari Regency and was carried out by the Manokwari City Police Special Team. ZT’s testimony led investigators to identify four additional suspects, including the alleged mastermind, OU, who is still at large. According to Manokwari City Police Chief Commissioner Rivadin B. Simangunsong, the attack on Yan was linked to a separate legal case: the murder of Yahya Sayori, for which Yan had been providing legal assistance. “It is motivated by another issue currently being processed in court, namely the murder case of the late Yahya Sayori, who was accompanied by lawyer Yan Christian Warinussy,” said Rivadin.

Then on 6 March 2026 came the good news that an Indonesian court acquitted four other activists after judges find no link to protest violence, prompting renewed scrutiny of policing and restrictions on civic space.

Responding to the acquittal of four activists – Delpedro Marhaen, Muzaffar Salim, Syahdan Husein and dan Khariq Anhar – accused by the authorities of inciting people to commit violent acts during the August 2025 protests, Usman Hamid, Amnesty International Indonesia’s Executive Director, said: “This brings new hope amid an creasingly shrinking civic space in Indonesia. The acquittal sends a clear message to law enforcement authorities that they should stop criminalising human rights defenders and anyone who peacefully exercises their right to protest. This is a significant victory for justice and human rights in Indonesia. 

So maybe there will be progress also on the case of Yan Christian Warinussy ?

https://www.amnesty.org.uk/latest/indonesia-acquittal-of-activists-brings-new-hope-for-right-to-protest/

https://en.tempo.co/read/2001740/amnesty-reports-attacks-on-288-indonesian-human-rights-defenders-in-2024