More than 450 civil society organizations from 65 countries have called on Turkey to end what they described as the criminalization of the LGBTI+ movement and release people detained solely for human rights work.
In a joint statement on 22 September 2026 titled “Stop the Criminalisation of the LGBTI+ Movement in Turkey,” the groups said human rights advocacy, publishing, organizing, membership, donations, fundraising and lawful domestic or international funding should not be treated as evidence of criminal activity and called for an end to raids and online restrictions targeting LGBTI+ organizations and human rights defenders.
The statement, published by Turkey-based Women for Women’s Human Rights (WWHR), was signed by organizations including the Association for Women’s Rights in Development (AWID), CIVICUS, the International Planned Parenthood Federation (IPPF), the International Women’s Development Agency (IWDA), PEN Norway and the World Organisation Against Torture (OMCT). CIVICUS is a global alliance of civil society organizations and activists.
The groups objected to what they described as the use of organized-crime provisions and broadly defined concepts such as “obscenity,” “morality” and “family” to criminalize LGBTI+ identities, visibility and advocacy.
The appeal follows a nationwide operation that began September 13 with police raids on LGBTI+ organizations, activists’ homes, gay bars and nightclubs, a day after Turkish authorities restricted access to social media accounts belonging to more than a dozen groups.
Organizations targeted in the investigations include the Kaos Gay and Lesbian Cultural Research and Solidarity Association (Kaos GL), the Families and Friends of LGBTI+ People Association (LİSTAG) and the Social Policy, Gender Identity and Sexual Orientation Studies Association (SPoD), as well as several other LGBTI+ and HIV-related groups.
According to Turkish media, 116 people had been detained in the raids and 82 were jailed pending trial. The cases include LGBTI+ activists and members of rights organizations as well as people accused of prostitution, drug offenses and other crimes, meaning not everyone detained or jailed in the operation was accused of activity connected to LGBTI+ advocacy.
To the leaders of Latin America and the Caribbean and the European Union,
As you gather in the forthcoming EU-CELAC ministerial meeting, security will be in everyone’s minds: security of your populations; international security in the context of a growing number of armed conflicts around the world; as well as transnational security challenges, such as transnational crime and drug trafficking.
This security framing is not baseless.The deterioration of the security situation in the continent results from the complex interplay of state policies, corporate interests, transnational criminal groups, high levels of corruption and geopolitical dynamics. Latin America and the Caribbean remains one of the most dangerous regions of the world to be a human rights defender. According to data from the HRDMemorial, a global consortium of human rights organisations coordinated by Front Line Defenders dedicated to verify and document killings of human rights defenders, 274 human rights defenders were killed in 2025 in the Americas.
However, the undersigned organisations share the concern that the securitisation of politics and policies, rather than achieving safer societies and lowering levels of violence, is being misused to unduly target human rights defenders and civil society, undermine the rule of law as well as to push through an economic agenda of extractivism without proper consultation and safeguards nor a popular mandate.
The instrumentalisation of counter terrorism and other security legislation is nothing new and has been extensively documented, including against indigenous communities in the Americas and pro Palestine peaceful protesters in Europe. Human rights defenders have long been accused of being part of “extremist” or criminal organisations; and the finances of leading human rights organisations on both regions have been hit with false accusations of money laundering, financing of terrorism, foreign influence or tax evasion, weaponising the international security and financial normative architecture to cripple their legitimate and peaceful human rights work.
From these trends we are seeing a model emerge and grow rapidly across the Americas. This model, perfected and championed in El Salvador by the government of Nayib Bukele, follows a similar pattern: successive states of emergency justified under guise of security for the population, growing militarisation that enables arbitrary arrests, prolonged pretrial detention, violation of fair trial rights, harsh penalties, high-lethality police, deaths in custody, torture, sexual violence and enforced disappearances in what international jurists and experts have concluded may constitute crimes against humanity.
At the last EU-CELAC summit, on 9 November 2025, both sides jointly recognised “the role of civil society organisations and human rights defenders” and committed to combat “transnational organised crime and drug trafficking […] in full compliance with international law”. We note with alarm that the reality on the ground seems to be very different, as a slate of punitive measures and restrictive legislation, including foreign agents laws modelled on Russian legislation, is adopted across the region.
Human rights defenders are targeted and stigmatised as pawns of criminal groups – while boundaries between state institutions, private economic interests and criminal networks are often blurred and go unexamined. In this context, securitisation is not only a response to crime, it is used to facilitate economic interests by enabling governments and private actors to gain access to land, suppress resistance to projects, and concentrate power without transparency or oversight.
Security narratives become a justification for militarisation, restriction or closure of civic space and criminalisation of defenders, silencing them and ultimately clearing the path for extractive and infrastructure projects so they can move forward with little to no opposition. Too often, the international community reads this dynamic as a necessary trade-off between human rights and security and progress, which in turn reinforces the narratives used by these governments to sell this choice to their voters.
Respect for human rights and the rule of law have been jointly and repeatedly endorsed by all participants in successive EU-CELAC summits and other forums. The forthcoming EU-CELAC ministerial meeting thus presents an important opportunity for partners from both sides of the ocean to push back on this narrative of security versus human rights and democracy.
As both sides deepen their cooperation on security and strategic investment, through the Global Gateway and partnerships on critical raw materials and other sectors, all cooperation must be firmly anchored in values that both regions share: rule of law, human rights and respect for international norms and standards. To accept restrictions on civic space and attacks on human rights defenders as necessary for security and economic development is a cold and false trade off that betrays those values.
The leaders of Latin America and the Caribbean and the European Union must be clear: there can be no sustainable security, responsible value chains and sustainable development goals without human rights and democratic institutions. Human rights defenders and civil society are not enemies, but play a crucial role in their societies, and must be allowed to carry out their legitimate human rights work.
Therefore, the undersigned organisations call on EU-CELAC leaders to issue a joint declaration dedicated to protect civic space and human rights defenders, and the rule of law committing to:
End the misuse of anti-terrorism and financial laws against civil society and publicly reject the criminalisation of human rights defenders;
ensure the rule of law and human rights safeguards in security and investment frameworks and in region to region cooperation, including under the Global Gateway and in any cooperation on critical raw minerals;
Condemn the indiscriminate and prolonged use of states of emergencies,and the creeping militarization of multiple aspects of public life, including military ownership of infrastructure and resources;
Develop policies to combat organized crime that are grounded in human rights, address the root causes of socio economic conflicts, and integrate anti-corruption measures;
Condemn the adoption of “foreign agent” laws and legal instruments designed to restrict civic space and foreign funding for human rights and non-governmental organisations.
In parallel, we urge you to act for mutual accountability in upholding the international human rights commitments of EU and LAC states by:
Maintaining continued international scrutiny for violations in EU-LAC exchanges and in multilateral forums, and promoting relevant structural reforms;
Condition cooperation and technical assistance on issues of security and justice on compliance with human rights standards and judicial guarantees;
Pro-actively and publicly support human rights organizations, journalists, defenders and families of victims through joint public declarations, robust diplomatic efforts and concrete cooperation; on protection programmes, psychosocial support, legal assistance and sustainable financing;
Promote effective legislation and policies for the protection of human rights defenders and ensure adequate funding for their implementation.
On 15 September 2026 several NGOs issued a joint Statement on this case:
Journalist and #MeToo activist Sophia Huang Xueqin is due to be released on 18 September after serving an unjust five-year prison sentence. The International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH) and the World Organisation Against Torture (OMCT), within the framework of the Observatory for the Protection of Human Rights Defenders, together with other organisations, call on the Chinese authorities to ensure her immediate release and guarantee that, once released, she can carry out her journalism and human rights work without surveillance, harassment, retaliation or other restrictions.
Sophia Huang Xueqin is widely recognised for her work on human rights and commitment to press freedom. She is a journalist and one of the most prominent figures associated with China’s #MeToo movement. For years, she reported on and advocated for gender equality and supported survivors of sexual harassment and gender-based violence.
In September 2021, Sophia was preparing to start graduate studies in the UK. However, she and a friend, human and labour rights activist Wang Jianbing, were arrested in Guangzhou, China on 19 September, and detained incommunicado for more than five months. While in detention, both Sophia and Jianbing were reportedly subjected to ill-treatment, with negative impacts on their health.
During their trial in September 2023, the prosecution focused on their role in co-organising weekly gatherings with fellow activists, as well as their participation in an online course on non-violence and online posts they had published or shared on issues deemed “sensitive” by the Chinese government.
Their convictions in June 2024 for “inciting subversion of state power” were based solely on the permissible exercise of their human rights, including the rights to freedom of the press and expression as well as association. Their case is emblematic of the Chinese government’s ongoing crackdown on journalists, human rights defenders, feminist activists and civil society voices calling for social justice and respect for human rights.
Wang, who was sentenced to three and a half years, was released in March 2025.
While Sophia Huang Xueqin is expected to be released on 18 September, we are concerned that she will face restrictions after leaving prison. She was subject to a “supplemental sentence” of four years’ deprivation of political rights, a punishment that is routinely imposed on human rights defenders and journalists to restrict their ability to speak, publish and organise long after their prison terms end. The legal provisions permitting this punishment are incompatible with international human rights standards, not to mention the fact that no one should be punished simply for exercising their human rights.
We call on the Chinese authorities to:
Ensure Sophia Huang Xueqin is released immediately and is not subjected to any further arbitrary detention and allowed to move freely; Guarantee her rights to freedom of expression, press, association and peaceful assembly, alongside her right to participate in public life, including her ability to communicate freely with family, friends, supporters and civil society groups; Ensure she is not subjected to surveillance, harassment, intimidation, retaliation or restrictions on her movement and communications; and Amend domestic laws, notably the Criminal Law, to ensure their compliance with international law and standards, and prevent the misuse of legal provisions to restrict the rights of human rights defenders and others.
The Faces of Hope campaign, launched by OMCT, aims to shine a light on the stories of human rights defenders who have been arbitrarily detained around the world. Faces of Hope has helped secure the release of several defenders, including Ibrahim, an Egyptian human rights defender who shares his story with us and continues to inspire hope and resilience among those who fight for human rights every day despite repression and isolation. In this interview, Ibrahim reflects on his experience in detention, the crucial role of public campaigns, and the importance of continuing to speak out, even when everything seems designed to enforce silence.
What does the Faces of Hope campaign mean to you?
Faces of Hope represents hope, sharing, and remembrance. Hope, because it gave me strength again after prison. Sharing, because it allows us to tell the stories of our hardships and our victories. And remembrance, because it reminds us that no one is forgotten. It is something deeply human.
Why are public campaigns like this so important?
When I was in prison, I often wondered whether my case had been forgotten. Knowing that people outside are speaking about you is vital. Campaigns like Faces of Hope tell prisoners, “You are not alone.” They break the silence and remind you that someone is working for your freedom.
What does the OMCT and partners’ SOS-Defenders platform contribute?
A voice. That is what prisoners need most. SOS-Defenders makes it possible to tell the stories that dictatorships want to hide. Like Faces of Hope, it keeps hope alive and ensures that people continue to speak out.
How did your detention change your commitment?
Torture broke me physically, but it strengthened my determination. I knew that once I was released, I had to keep going. The government wants us to be afraid; I chose instead to speak out even more loudly, especially on behalf of those who are still behind bars.
Why are there so many arbitrary arrests in Egypt?
The laws are at the heart of the problem. They allow anyone to be arrested without legitimate grounds. I myself was the victim of an enforced disappearance for six months, without a single charge ever being brought against me. These laws are used to silence people, not to protect them.
How can this be brought to an end?
By maintaining pressure. We must keep speaking out and exposing these abuses, just as Faces of Hope does. And the international community must put pressure on regimes that violate human rights. Respect for human rights cannot be negotiated.
Your message to the international community?
Do not forget Egypt’s prisoners. Keep speaking about them and refuse to compromise. Every word matters. Thanks to campaigns like Faces of Hope, we keep the light on in the darkest places.
Repressive governments arbitrarily detained at least 60 human rights defenders across 14 countries in 2025, according to the latest report by the SOS-Defenders platform, a collective initiative of local, regional and international organisations coordinated by the World Organisation Against Torture (OMCT), within the framework of the Observatory for the Protection of Human Rights Defenders (FIDH-OMCT).
The 2025 edition of the Censorship by Detentionreport, released on 3 September 2026, documents the use of arbitrary arrest across 14 countries with repressive regimes. The report reveals journalists and bloggers were the single most targeted group, accounting for 28 of the 60 documented detentions, followed by community leaders, academics, NGO members and lawyers. Afghanistan (16), Ethiopia (14) and Guatemala (10) recorded the highest numbers.
Detention is rarely the end of the abuse. Human rights defenders held in 2025 were subjected to physical violence, psychological abuse and forced confessions, secret and prolonged incommunicado detention, and inhuman conditions including prison overcrowding, denial of medical care and prolonged solitary confinement. OMCT’s Global Torture Index rates the risk of torture and ill-treatment for defenders as “Considerable” or worse in 36 of the 38 countries assessed. The report warns that violations behind prison walls remain severely underreported.
“This report is both an alarm and a call to action,” said Stéphanie David, Secretary General of OMCT. “Governments are increasingly using detention not only as punishment, but as a weapon of censorship — and, too often, torture and ill-treatment follow through the prison gates. We refuse to let these defenders be erased: OMCT and its partners will continue to expose these practices.”
“States must act,” added Claudia Virginia Samayoa, President of OMCT and Chair of the SOS-Defenders Advisory Group. “We call on governments to immediately and unconditionally release every human rights defender arbitrarily detained for their peaceful work, to end torture and ill-treatment behind bars, and to guarantee the right to defend human rights for all.”
Conversely, the report highlights that sustained coordinated advocacy, legal action, diplomatic pressure, and collective action contributed to securing the release of 87 defenders across 18 countries, with Belarus (22), Iran (15), Ethiopia (13) and Afghanistan (12) leading.
SOS-Defenders brings together more than 20 local, regional and international civil society organisations, convened under the auspices of the OMCT–FIDH Observatory for the Protection of Human Rights Defenders. The initiative consolidates global data on the arbitrary detention of defenders on a single public platform to drive coordinated action for their release. Since its launch, the platform has published more than 670 cases of arbitrarily detained defenders.
Tania Pariona Tarqui is an Indigenous Quechua human rights defender, activist from Peru, and Executive Secretary of the coalition Coordinadora Nacional de Derechos Humanos (CNDDHH). As she started defending the rights of children and youth during her teenage years, now an advocate for women’s rights across South America, her work is more than ever relevant, not only in Peru, but for the global anti-torture movement. Over the past few months, the country has passed a series of laws that threaten decades of efforts for justice and accountability. Passing through Geneva for various advocacy meetings, she tells us all about the state of human rights in Peru and what these laws will mean for human rights defenders and victims of torture and ill-treatment.
What is the current human rights situation in Peru?
Peru is experiencing severe setbacks in human rights, even in very basic rights that took decades to achieve, such as gender equality or the broad women’s movement, along with sexual and reproductive health. We are also facing setbacks in terms of memory of our past. Recently, an Amnesty Law was passed to ensure impunity for serious human rights violations committed by the Armed Forces, the National Police, and self-defense committees during the internal armed conflict of the 1980s-2000s. This paves the way for impunity for those linked to crimes against humanity and erases the memory of thousands of victims who have waited decades for justice. In Peru today, our rights are not guaranteed, there is no protection.
What is the impact of these laws?
For families of victims of the 1980s conflict, as well as those killed in the 2022–2023 protests, these impunity measures deny justice and memory, rewriting history in ways that contradict lived experience. This “turning the page” denies grave violations. This is a hard blow to families who have fought for decades. The Amnesty Law would affect hundreds of cases, not isolated events. The State claims this law responds to terrorism, but in reality, it benefits human rights violators in the security forces implicated in torture, extrajudicial executions, and enforced disappearances.
What about human rights defenders?
Many human rights lawyers and organisations advocate for justice, but this law blocks their work by pardoning perpetrators of serious violations. Defenders are also stigmatised as “terrorists” or “terrorist sympathisers”. The term “terrorist” is indiscriminately applied by authorities, politicians, and even President Boluarte to delegitimise human rights defense. But lawyers are defending victims, not terrorists.
What can be done?
Raising a collective voice is essential. International solidarity must echo demands for justice globally. It is indispensable to maintain hope for a real democracy, not just the act of voting, but one that is intercultural, equal, and inclusive of Indigenous peoples and women. Currently, there are no political participation mechanisms for Indigenous peoples or Indigenous women. This is not true democracy.
The mechanisms of the UN and of the inter-American system are crucial, not only to issue recommendations but also to adopt a firm stance. Too often, human rights violations and violence against women are normalised. The international community must rethink its actions and strengthen democracies, protection mechanisms, and resources for defenders. Civil society is vital to democracy, yet civic space in Peru is shrinking. Without human rights, there is no democracy.
What is most important when defending human rights under these conditions?
Defending human rights today must go beyond the human rights community, reaching society at large. Youth and children must be included, with schools and communities addressing these issues. I come from a generation that witnessed progress thanks to older sisters who fought for important policy change. Now it is our duty to defend those advances, ensuring they remain for future generations.
Peru’s message of granting amnesty for crimes against humanity is disastrous, signaling to the world that impunity is acceptable. But as global conflicts show, impunity only harms the poorest and most vulnerable. We cannot normalise this; we must confront it now.
What message would you like to send to the international community?
To the international community: in Peru today, citizens’ rights are being violated, especially those who raise their voice against measures affecting our well-being and future.
Peru often presents itself abroad as a defender of human rights, but right now Peruvians have no guarantees of these rights. It is crucial that the international community pay attention, especially to cases of torture and arbitrary detention of activists, students, and indigenous women. Our call is for the international community not only to express concern but also to be present, speak out, and advocate for the rights of Peruvians.
On 22 July 2026, Prime Minister Anutin Charnvirakul announced that he would file a criminal defamation complaint against Yingcheep Atchanont, the director of the Thai non-governmental organisation Internet Law Reform Dialogue (iLaw), an FIDH member organisation, over allegations linking the Prime Minister to irregularities in the election of the 200-member Senate, which was held between 9 and 26 June 2024. On 4 August 2026the International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH) and the World Organisation Against Torture (OMCT), within the framework of the Observatory for the Protection of Human Rights Defenders, urge Thailand’s Prime Minister Anutin Charnvirakul to refrain from filing a criminal defamation complaint against Thai human rights defender Yingcheep Atchanont, in connection with his legitimate work of monitoring public affairs and promoting democratic accountability.
The legal action stemmed from Yingcheep Atchanont’s submission of a petition to the opposition coalition in the House of Representatives on 21 July 2026, seeking a parliamentary examination of allegations that nine politicians from the Bhumjaithai Party, including Prime Minister Anutin, five cabinet ministers, and three senior figures, were involved in vote manipulation during the June 2024 Senate election.
According to iLaw’s investigation, evidence and witness statements suggested irregularities including candidate arrangements, the distribution of voting instructions, and the provision of financial incentives to candidates by networks linked to the Bhumjaithai Party, across different stages of the election process, which raised serious concerns over the integrity and transparency of the polls.
The Observatory recalls that since its founding in 2009, iLaw has played a prominent role in advancing democratic participation, freedom of expression, and a fair justice system in Thailand. The organisation has documented the impact of repressive laws and decrees adopted following the 2006 and 2014 military coups d’état and campaigned for their reform through public engagement and online advocacy. It has also worked to support citizen participation in legislative and constitutional reform processes, particularly through campaigns to collect signatures for proposed legislation and initiatives to amend Thailand’s military-backed 2017 Constitution. In addition, iLaw has contributed to strengthening electoral transparency by systematically documenting voting irregularities and mobilising citizens to participate in election observation.
The June 2024 Senate election gave rise to allegations of systemic fraud and vote-buying. Under the new selection system, more than 40,000 candidates voted among themselves through multiple rounds of selection at the district, provincial, and national levels to determine the 200-member Senate. The results led to public scrutiny particularly due to the disproportionately high number of successful candidates from provinces where the Bhumjaithai Party enjoyed strong electoral support.
A separate investigation conducted jointly by the Election Commission (EC) and the Department of Special Investigation (DSI) was concluded in July 2025. The investigation found sufficient evidence to prosecute 229 individuals, including 138 senators and 91 political figures associated with the Bhumjaithai Party, in connection with fraudulent practices during the June 2024 Senate election, in violation of the 2018 Organic Act on the Acquisition of Senators. However, in March 2026, an EC subcommittee voted to overturn the earlier finding. The conflicting recommendations were subsequently submitted to the EC for a final decision, which is expected in late August 2026.
The Observatory denounces the criminal lawsuits against Yingcheep, which appear to be in retaliation against the peaceful exercise of his right to freedom of expression, as enshrined in international human rights law, in particular in Article 19 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), to which Thailand is a state party.
The Observatory calls upon the Thai authorities to ensure that all complaints are dropped and urges them to take concrete steps towards the decriminalisation of defamation under Articles 326 and 328 of the Criminal Code, which are used to intimidate, silence, and harass human rights defenders in Thailand.
In a letter οf 27 April 2026, addressed to leaders of the European Parliament, the International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH) and the World Organisation Against Torture (OMCT) within the framework of the Observatory, as part of the Human Rights and Democracy Network (HRDN), call for the establishment of a European Union (EU) directive aiming at protecting human rights defenders within the EU.
The Human Rights and Democracy Network welcomes the European Commission’s renewed commitment, as part of the EU Civil Society Strategy, to scale up its support to ensure an enabling environment for civil society and human rights defenders across the world. In this context, HRDN urges the European Commission to take a decisive step toward establishing a Directive on the Protection and Mobility of Human Rights Defenders (HRDs), creating a coherent and predictable framework for their protection within the European Union.
Across the world, human rights defenders, including journalists, lawyers, environmental activists, women’s rights leaders, and LGBTIQ+ advocates, face increasing risks as a direct consequence of their work. They expose abuses, challenge corruption, and defend communities. Their courage upholds human rights, democracy and the rule of law both within and outside Europe’s borders.
While the EU and its Member States have established valuable relocation and protection mechanisms, these remain fragmented, short-term, unavailable to those most at risk and inconsistent as reports and studies have shown HRDs at risk are currently left with only two main pathways: temporary relocation programmes, often led by civil society or a few Member States, or the asylum system, which is designed for those unable to return home. Between these two options lies a wide and growing gap. Many defenders require temporary protection and mobility to continue their work, but face bureaucratic barriers, inflexible visa systems with indirect discriminatory impacts, and a lack of harmonised procedures.
A Directive on the Protection and Mobility of Human Rights Defenders (providing equal measures to a Temporary Protection Directive, as recommended in the study requested by the DROI Subcommittee of the European Parliament and called for by civil society) would bridge this gap by creating an EU-wide framework for safe entry, residence, and participation. It would introduce fast and flexible visa procedures, temporary but renewable residence permits, and the right to work, study, and continue advocacy while in safety. Such a Directive would also ensure fair responsibility sharing among Member States and foster cooperation with civil society organisations that host and support defenders.
This initiative aligns closely with the objectives of the EU Civil Society Strategy and the European Democracy Action Plan, translating policy commitments into a tangible protection mechanism. It would also complement the Human Rights Defenders Mechanism (ProtectDefenders.eu) by ensuring that the EU provides not only emergency support but also structured mobility pathways that allow defenders to rebuild, reconnect, and continue their work in safety inside the EU.
Zaira Navas, woman human rights defender from El Salvador.
In recent years, civic space has significantly reduced in El Salvador, under a state of exception, a state of emergency that suspended several constitutional rights. Human rights defenders have faced increasing threats and criminalisation, forcing many into silence or exile. Zaira Navas is a lawyer and human rights defender at Cristosal, partner of OMCT and the SOS-Torture Network. She is also a member of OMCT’s Latin America litigators’ group, part of four regional litigators’ groups that bring together lawyers and human rights defenders working at the front lines of the fight against torture and ill-treatment. Last year, Zaira Navas was pushed to flee El Salvador, after her colleague, Ruth López, prominent Salvadoran activist, was arrested. In Geneva to attend the Human Rights Council, she tells us about her experience being a woman human rights defender in exile, and where she still finds hope in her work.
What was it like to make the decision to leave El Salvador?
I am currently in exile due to repression under the state of exception in El Salvador imposed by President Nayib Bukele, which intensified in 2025. In May, my colleague Ruth López was detained on absurd corruption charges. That same week, I learned I could also be arrested. Our organisation, Cristosal, asked us to protect ourselves. There was no time to think about it. We left the country believing we would return in 15 days, but I have now been outside El Salvador for nine months.
How has exile affected you, as a woman and as a human rights defender?
The first months were filled with uncertainty. Violence and aggression against defenders increased, and our organisation was forced to close its operations in the country. There was no turning back.
There was a period when I felt depressed. Not only for being away from my country, but because I thought I could not continue my work. I am now separated from my family, but I am working, and that is a very important source of encouragement….
What actions should the international community take to ensure a safe environment for defending human rights in El Salvador?
The international community must closely monitor human rights violations in El Salvador and must pay close attention to what is happening in our country, questioning the anti-democratic methods and internal policies. International cooperation allows us to keep working. It is important that organisations that support human rights groups look for new ways to cooperate so that the work can continue from outside the country.
After 16 years of leadership, Gerald Staberock is stepping down from his role as Secretary General of the OMCT. The Executive Council has accepted his resignation and will oversee a smooth transition to new leadership to continue advancing the organization’s mission to combat torture and support human rights defenders worldwide.
A good friend and colleague has taken the thoughtful decision to start a managed transition of his own position at the helm of a key international NGO. Forgive me for being biased but he is a remarkable and exceptional person.
Under his leadership, OMCT gained renewed energy, reinforcing its footprint across regions through dynamic regional offices and in country-presence and further expanding the reach and impact of its global network. This was no small accomplishment. With staff, members and partners around the globe, Gerald also aided in “opening roads, working through landslides and filling gaps” so that OMCT could respond more effectively to the needs of people who were subject to torture and serious human rights violations or abuse. He has fostered a model of work that is lean and fitting for purpose in some of the toughest places in the world and has put our network of human rights defenders at the heart of our identity. He has maintained time after time that our true reserves are human – the trust, commitment and courage of our members, partners and staff.
The Executive Council of the OMCT extends special thanks to Gerald for his unwavering commitment to OMCT’s values and philosophy. After 16 years of dedicated service, Gerald has made the personal decision to step down to embrace new challenges and devote more time to his family, and the Executive Council fully supports and respects this decision, sharing his conviction that a leadership transition can be healthy for both him and the organization. We are committed to ensuring that this transition is safe, orderly and well-timed, and that OMCT remains firmly anchored in its values and strategic vision. Gerald has promised in the past that he’s committed to OMCT and the challenge of torture and, in any case, a smooth handover to the next Secretary General.
In this vein, the Executive Council is eager to start the recruitment process for the OMCT’s next Secretary General. You can access here the call for applications. Timing of the new Secretary General will depend on the availability of the candidate selected, and a dedicated transition process will be co-defined between the Executive Council working group, the incoming Secretary General and Gerald.
Gerald’s own Message to the SOS Torture Network and partners is a demonstration of his modesty and foresightedness:
I am writing you today to tell you that I informed our executive board early this year that it is time for leadership transition after 16 years at the OMCT. I can assure you that we will ensure that this is a safe, orderly and well-timed transition so that there will be no gaps. I am also addressing this to all our supporters; this is the time we need you to stay course with us more than ever. The relationship with many of you has been enriching, marked by a shared commitment that has helped us shape our vision. I would particularly like to thank our support committee in Geneva for their support.
For the past years, every time I came back from one of the many trips that are part of this job, I was intrigued by a watch making advertisement at the Geneva Airport. It basically says, ‘you never own this watch, your task is to keep it safe to hand over to a next generation’. Not being the owner of any luxury watches the advert always touched me, and each time I would think about OMCT. And when my decision nourished that after 16 years of leadership, it is time to accept that change is good, I had to look back at this advert.
My task was to take on an incredible gift from the founding fathers (yes, they were male) and a charismatic preceding director whom I call a friend. An organization built around a network, built around people that work in their countries to make them better places, more just, safer – and who sadly often don’t get the recognition for the good they do.
I cannot tell you how much I enjoyed and continue to enjoy working with amazing staff and members in our network. Human rights are really about people, people we help, serve, support, torture survivors and human rights defenders that make the difference. Our reserves are not financial but these relationships – they are our most important currency. In this, OMCT being able to provide tangible support is a is a meaningful achievement. Human rights work is also collective, it is about a movement, an eco-system. I appreciate our joint work in the Human Rights Defenders mechanism – Protect Defenders – stimulating and effective. I believe that our collective work within United Against Torture Consortium will be crucially important for the future. OMCT will remain about being united because it makes us better and stronger.
…I feel after 16 years it is the right moment to making sure that this incredible gift – not a watch – but an organization called OMCT – is given into the safe hands of a new generation…..
