Archive for the 'human rights' Category

In Memoriam: 8 women human rights defenders who shaped the MENA region

June 15, 2026

On 4 May 2026 the Tahrir Institute for Middle East Policy (TIMEP) remembered eight women organizers from the region who fought for a better region and in whose stories we find inspiration:

Lina Ben Mhenni

“I am the activist of all causes.”Lina Ben Mhenni was a Tunisian blogger, educator, and activist whose voice rose to prominence as Tunisia’s Jasmine Revolution unfolded. Born in Tunis in 1983 and raised in a politically engaged family, she used her blog A Tunisian Girl to document censorship, women’s rights, and state repression well before the revolution began. When protests erupted after Mohamed Bouazizi’s self-immolation in December 2010, she became a leading voice reporting from inside the country. Traveling to Sidi Bouzid, Kasserine, and Regueb, she documented police brutality, sharing photos and testimonies online despite a strict media blackout. After the revolution, she continued advocating for human rights, freedom of expression, and justice for victims and their families. She also launched initiatives to support prison libraries, delivering over 45,000 books across Tunisia. Recognized internationally, she was nominated for the Nobel Peace Prize in 2011. She passed away in 2020 at the age of 36 after a long battle with lupus. [see also https://humanrightsdefenders.blog/2020/01/29/in-memory-of-tunisian-human-rights-defender-lina-ben-mhenni/]

Sarah Hegazi

Sarah Hegazi was an Egyptian queer feminist and human rights defender.  As a member of the Bread and Freedom Party in Egypt, she advocated for political prisoners, opposed the death penalty, and supported movements for freedom across the MENA region, including in Palestine, Syria, Lebanon, and Sudan. Her activism was intersectional, grounded in class struggle and solidarity. In 2017, she raised a rainbow flag at a Mashrou’ Leila concert in Cairo—an act that made her a target for state repression. As part of the anti-LGBTQI+ crackdown that followed, Sarah was arrested, detained, and subjected to torture. Sarah was fired from her job and experienced severe depression and post-traumatic stress disorder. Out of fear for her safety amid continued targeting, bullying, and repression, Sarah was forced to flee Egypt in 2018. She traveled to Canada where she sought political asylum.  While living in exile apart from her loved ones, and the country and community most dear to her, Sarah took her life on June 13, 2020. She was 30 years old.

Bahjaa Abdelaa Abdelaa

Bahjaa Abdelaa Abdelaa was a Sudanese human rights defender who worked tirelessly in support of Sudanese women. Born in Nyala, South Darfur, she was also an economist who graduated from the University of Khartoum in 2020. She was a member of the Women Revolutionary Group, which was created to advocate for women’s rights, gender equality, and social justice, as well as to support survivors of rape and sexual violence in Darfur. Bahjaa became known for her monitoring and documentation work, highlighting the pervasiveness of sexual violence during conflict. She was also part of the Darfur Collation of Women Human Rights Defenders (TMD). As the war raged in Sudan, and after receiving death threats due to her human rights work, on October 26, 2023, Bahjaa was shot and killed by unidentified gunmen while attending a relative’s funeral at Kalma camp for internally displaced people in Nyala.  She was 26 years old.

Giselle Khoury

Known as the “grande dame of Arab journalism” for her pointed interview style, Giselle Khoury was a Lebanese journalist and television personality whose career spanned almost four decades, defined by her commitment to freedom of expression and pluralism.  She began at LBC in 1985, later joined MBC, and also contributed to the launch of Al-Arabiya. She became known for hosting major political programs such as Bil Arabi and Studio Beirut, where she interviewed leading political figures from across the region. Her work continued with BBC Arabic and Sky News Arabia. As one of the first women Arab journalists to host such high-profile programs, she helped reshape the media landscape. After the 2005 assassination of her husband, journalist Samir Kassir, she co-founded the Samir Kassir Foundation to support independent journalism, monitor press freedom, and nurture new generations of media professionals. She passed away in October 2023 at the age of 62 after a battle with cancer.

Bassma Kodmani

Bassma Kodmani was a Syrian academic, advocate, and political figure, whose career bridged research, policy, and activism. She co-founded the Arab Reform Initiative (ARI), a collaborative think tank “to articulate a home-grown agenda for democratic change in the Arab region,” serving as Executive Director from 2005 to 2019.  When Syrians peacefully took to the streets in 2011, Bassma took a temporary leave from ARI to serve as Head of Foreign Relations and spokesperson with the Syrian National Council, the opposition body organizing for a democratic alternative at the time, until her resignation in 2012. In 2016, she participated in the Geneva peace talks as part of the delegation of the democratic opposition. Holding a PhD from Sciences Po, Bassma authored and edited multiple works on Middle Eastern politics and conflict and was a renowned political thinker. Her vision for a Syria that embraces the equal participation of all Syrians is one that continues to inspire younger scholars today. She died of breast cancer at the age of 64.

Shireen Abu Akleh

“I chose journalism to be close to people. It might not be easy to change the reality, but at least I can bring their voices to the world.” Shireen Abu Akleh was a Palestinian-American journalist and one of the most recognizable voices in the Arab world. Born in Jerusalem in 1971, she spent over 25 years covering the realities of life under Israeli occupation. After studying journalism at Yarmouk University, she began at Voice of Palestine radio and Radio Monte Carlo before joining Al Jazeera in 1997. At a time when few Palestinian women worked as field reporters, she became a leading correspondent. She rose to prominence during the second intifada in 2000, reporting from the ground and centering the lived experiences of Palestinians—from political prisoners to families affected by displacement and violence.  On May 11, 2022, Shireen was shot and killed in a targeted attack by Israeli Defense Forces, while wearing a press vest and while covering a raid in Jenin. Her funeral, which was attacked by Israeli police forces, drew hundreds of mourners and widespread solidarity.

Salwa Bugaighis

Salwa Bugaighis was a Libyan lawyer, human rights advocate, and political figure. She was active in the 2011 Libyan Revolution, which ultimately overthrew Muammar Gaddafi. Based in Benghazi, she built her career defending political prisoners and advocating for justice under an authoritarian regime. From the start of the uprising, she was on the front lines, helping to organize protests and becoming a member of the National Transitional Council. She later resigned in protest over the lack of women’s representation. She continued her work through national dialogue initiatives aiming to bridge divisions across Libya’s fragmented society. Bugaighis was known for her outspoken criticism of armed groups and extremists. Even in the face of threats and violence, she remained committed to building democratic institutions and a more inclusive Libya.  In June 2014, after returning home following her vote in the country’s parliamentary elections, she was assassinated in a targeted attack in which gunmen stormed her home, shot and stabbed her, and abducted her husband. She was 51 years old. [see also: https://humanrightsdefenders.blog/2020/11/12/libyan-human-rights-defender-hanan-al-barassi-gunned-down-in-benghazi/]

Yanar Mohammed

Yanar Mohammed was a prominent Iraqi feminist and human rights defender.  In 1998 while living in Canada, she founded the Defense of Iraqi Women’s Rights, which in 2004, became the Organization of Women’s Freedom in Iraq (OWFI). At this point, Yanar had relocated back to Iraq, and the group created the first shelters for women fleeing domestic violence, sex trafficking, and threats of honor killings. In the years since, OWFI has operated a network of safe houses and shelters around the country and helped hundreds of women.  Yanar served as editor of the feminist newspaper Al-Mousawat and participated in protests in Tahrir Square. She regularly advocated for marginalized groups in Iraq, including displaced communities and LGBTQI+ individuals.  For years, Yanar received death threats for her work, at times having to restrict her movement. In March 2026, unidentified gunmen shot her outside her home in Baghdad. She was 66 years old. See https://humanrightsdefenders.blog/2026/03/06/on-2-march-2026-woman-human-rights-defender-yanar-mohammed-was-killed-in-baghdad/.

Call for Applications to Sister-to-Sister Program 2026

June 10, 2026
Nobel Women's Initiative - Home

On 8 June 2026 the Nobel Women’s Initiative (NWI) invited applications for the 2026 Sister-to-Sister Young Feminist Leadership Program. DEADLINE 26 June, 2026 

For over a decade, the Sister-to-Sister Young Feminist Leadership Program has been a cornerstone of NWI’s strategy to foster a world where feminist peace and security prevail. 

The Sister-to-Sister program brings together young feminist leaders — sisters — in an intensive virtual program which fosters crucial solidarity, support, sisterhood, and skills-building to better equip activists for the challenges ahead. This year’s program theme is:

“Peace in the Age of AI: Building Feminist Futures.” 

Artificial intelligence is reshaping how power and violence are exercised — from AI-driven disinformation, deepfakes and coordinated online harassment used to silence women in public life, to the rise of autonomous weapons systems transforming the future of conflict. The information ecosystem is a critical site of power, and it is deeply gendered. Women are both on its frontlines and leading efforts to reshape it. 

Women journalists, peacebuilders, content creators, communicators, and human rights defenders are increasingly targeted at the intersection of these threats, where narrative warfare online and AI-enabled security risks converge. These technologies are not neutral — they reflect and amplify existing inequalities and feminist leadership in shaping how they are governed has never been more urgent. 

Building on the work of NWI Nobel Laureates — particularly Maria Ressa, whose journalism and advocacy have been at the forefront of defending truth, accountability and democratic space in the digital age — the 2026 Sister-to-Sister cohort will move from analysis to action. 

We at NWI know first-hand that when young women are grounded in their histories, communities and lived realities, they rise with courage, clarity and fierce commitment to equality for all. Guided by the lived experiences of NWI’s Nobel laureates and inspired by Maria Ressa’s visionary leadership, this year’s program reflects our commitment to cultivating the next generation of feminist leaders equipped to navigate, challenge and reshape the digital world.  

Twenty five young, feminist activists will take part in a 6-week intensive virtual learning program from 24 August to 28 September 2026. The program is designed to: 

  • Broaden understanding of how artificial intelligence is reshaping power, conflict, peace — and the specific ways these technologies impact women and feminist movements. 
  • Build knowledge and critical analysis of AI-driven disinformation, digital security threats, autonomous weapons, and the gendered dimensions of emerging technology. 
  • Strengthen tools and strategies for navigating the digital information ecosystem, including digital safety, counter-disinformation tactics and adaptive feminist leadership. 
  • Explore how AI can be leveraged to advance feminist peacebuilding — from amplifying women-led movements, to strengthening early warning systems and expanding access to justice. 
  • Enhance collective learning and peer exchange by deepening mutual trust, sisterhood, and solidarity among young women activists confronting intersecting challenges. 
  • Deepen feminist networks for support and collective action and through this network build resilience and long-term capacity for change.  

To ensure selected Sisters are able to fully participate, an honorarium will be provided to selected participants at the end of the program. This honorarium is intended to contribute to internet access, work space, transportation, care responsibilities and other potential barriers to participation. 

To be considered, candidate applications are due before 11:59pm ET, on 26 June, 2026. Applications should include: 

  • A personal letter or video (max 2 minutes or 1 page) outlining how the candidate has been contributing to feminist peace, digital rights, social and/or environmental justice; the primary challenges in their context (contextually / personally / professionally); and how they hope the program will benefit them and their work. 
  • Current resume, with up to date, detailed experience (paid, volunteer, academic). 
  • Reference letter from a feminist peace, social or digital rights activist or organization, with contact details for follow up. 

The full application form is available here.

https://www.nobelwomensinitiative.org/sister-to-sister-applications-2026

New ISHR online course for environmental human rights defenders

June 3, 2026

ISHR introduces a new on-line course on advocacy for environmental human rights defenders, a practical, self-paced resource for activists, community leaders, and allies to defend the right to a clean, healthy and sustainable environment using UN and regional mechanisms.

On World Environment Day, and in parallel to the 1st European Forum on Environmental Human Rights Defenders, ISHR is introducing its new online course entitled ‘Advocacy for environmental human rights defenders: a pathway’. A conceptual, legal, and strategic resource to help environmental human rights defenders and their allies translate local environmental struggles into coordinated international and regional advocacy. [https://humanrightsdefenders.blog/2026/05/12/first-european-forum-on-environmental-human-rights-defenders-3-4-june-2026/]

Environmental human rights defenders are those who protect our planet and defend the right to a clean, healthy and sustainable environment. They are Indigenous Peoples, farmers, scientists, journalists and young activists from all over the world.

Despite their vital role, more than 2,253 of them were killed, harassed, or persecuted between 2012 and 2024 according to Global Witness. More recently, the Business and Human Rights Centre found that the most dangerous sectors in which to pursue activism to defend rights are mining, agribusiness and fossil fuels.

Behind those numbers are stories of resistance and solidarity.

Why a new course for environmental human rights defenders?

The past few years saw an increased number of positive developments for the protection of the environment and environmental human rights defenders.

This includes the recognition of the right to a clean, healthy and sustainable environment, the Human Rights Council’s Resolution 40/11 recognising the role of environmental defenders, the Escazú Agreement enshrining the latter’s rights in Latin America and the Caribbean, and the creation of the Special Rapporteur on Environmental Defenders under the Aarhus Convention. All these developments also require defenders to understand how and when to use these mechanisms. 

I became an environmental human rights defender by coincidence. I need practical tools like this to help me navigate spaces for my advocacy. The ISHR Academy is really a useful one! Christopher Opio, Uganda 

The pathway is divided into three independent chapters

Module content on the ISHR Academy

Chapter 1 examines the legal and conceptual foundations of the right to a clean, healthy and sustainable environment, the role of environmental human rights defenders in addressing the triple planetary crisis, including accountability of States and non-State actors.

Chapter 2 provides strategic and practical guidance to advance environmental justice through UN human rights mechanisms like the Human Rights Council, the Special Procedures, the Treaty Bodies or the Expert Mechanism on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, and translate local defence into international advocacy.

Chapter 3 dives into regional mechanisms and other tools, in particular, for the protection of environmental human rights defenders. This includes rapid response mechanisms in Europe and Latin America, and other options designed for African and Asia-Pacific defenders through regional institutions and tools. 

Free, self-paced, modular and flexible, each chapter can be taken independently, enriched with case studies, videos, and additional resources. You set the pace according to your needs.

How do I know if this is for me? 

You know that bringing international attention could create pressure for change, but you don’t know where to start? You have an idea of who the Special Rapporteur on climate change is, the International Covenant of Economic, Social and Cultural Rights does, but don’t know the steps to engage with them?

The pathway walks you through exactly this.

Whether you are a community leader facing displacement, an environmental lawyer seeking international leverage, a representative of a grassroots organisation whose government has stopped listening, a young advocate learning to navigate international spaces, or an NGO supporting defenders on the frontline — this pathway was built for you.

Environmental human rights defenders are often the first to raise the alarm. I often meet people who face pressure or harassment for defending environmental rights and without knowing that international tools can support them. In this module, I will explain what my mandate can do and how defenders can engage with it.

Astrid Puentes Riaño, UN Special Rapporteur on the right to a healthy environment

By the end of this pathway, you will be able to:

  • Understand who environmental human rights defenders are, the contexts they operate in, and the legal frameworks for their protection
  • Identify international and regional advocacy avenues, within the UN and beyond, to advance the right to a clean, healthy environment
  • Plan strategic engagement with mechanisms based on your context, and hold governments and non-State actors accountable.

Start learning now at the ISHR Academy!

ISHR warmly thanks all the human rights defenders, experts, Special Rapporteurs and UN staff who supported us in building this course.

https://ishr.ch/latest-updates/new-online-course-for-environmental-human-rights-defenders-on-the-ishr-academy

APC community: lessons learnt from the cancellation of 2026 RightsCon in Zambia

May 30, 2026

On 28 May 2026 Alan Finlay for the Association for Progressive Community reflected on the implication of the cancellation.

The shock of the cancellation of RightsCon in Zambia this year is still reverberating amongst human rights defenders who are grappling with the implications for their advocacy work. Like other networks across the globe, APC was impacted by this turn of events that disrupted the plans of many of its members, as well as staff; it wasn’t just a financial blow, but the loss of an opportunity to meet and strategise face-to-face, to network with donors and other organisations, and raise awareness about key advocacy issues that needed to be pushed forward on the global digital rights agenda. 

While RightsCon 2025 was hosted in Taipei, Taiwan, AccessNow attributed the cancellation at least in part to behind-the-scenes pressure from China for Taiwanese participants to be excluded from the event in Zambia. This wasn’t necessarily something new for civil society. APC member in Taiwan Open Cultural Foundation (OCF) explained that Taiwanese civil society has seen China react strongly even to seemingly non-political international events when it believes its sovereignty claims or geopolitical interests are being challenged. JCA-NET, a member based in Japan, also pointed to several similar restrictions on participation in events in the past: “It is not uncommon for major powers to block foreign participation in important international conferences,” the organisation’s Toshi said. “Last year, the United States blocked PLO Chairman Abbas from attending the UN General Assembly. Japan also refused to issue visas to some participants for the 2023 IGF in Kyoto.” 

Neither was having a government change its mind mid-stream something extraordinary, even for AccessNow – in 2023 Costa Rica failed to grant visas-on-arrival for many RightsCon participants, despite a prior commitment from its government. 

But having an international event of this size “postponed” by a government just days before it was due to start – which the Special Rapporteur Gina Romero called a “clear violation of the rights to freedom of assembly, association, and expression” – was, for many, unprecedented. It was, as one APC member from South Asia summed up, a “sobering reminder that digital rights work does not happen in a neutral space.”….

Political deviations have become extreme and a consensus over the universality of human rights no longer exists,” said Pavel Antonov from Bluelink, an organisation based in Bulgaria and advocating for digital rights in the European Union. “National governments can no longer be trusted on their commitments. It’s a wake-up call for human rights defenders around the world.”

…“This happened to Zambia now, but this could easily happen in the US or an EU member state,” warned Antonov.

And the signs are there. “I work in the private sector for economic reasons but also for political reasons,” said one anonymous APC associate also based in the EU. “I do not work in the NGO space or in human rights anymore as I am an immigrant in an EU country with a very restricted civic space. If I expressed my views about Palestine and certain other conflicts I might lose funding and residence. I am not happy to be a victim of chilling effects, but my family and children are currently more important. A talk at the University in my city was cancelled today and raided by the police.” The question then becomes: Where do activists find a sense of certainty, of at least something they can rely on? Who can they trust? 

For many in APC, the answer lies in putting faith in their own political commitment to building bottom-up structures driven by communities. “As a fundamental principle, we should not equate the state with the diverse people living within its borders,” said Toshi. “It is important to prioritise these diverse people above all else, rather than the state.”

Part of this re-thinking how solidarity could best be actualised also raises the question of how expensive it is to participate in conferences such as RightsCon – especially in the context of the currently strained funding environment. 

“The cancellation of RightsCon imposes a significant financial burden on civil society organisations across the board, but in particular the ones in the Global South,” said Betancourt. It is not only organisations in the Global South who are struggling to find the resources to participate in the many forums that happen each year. While JAC-NET had competing advocacy priorities, and the language of the event was a barrier, RightsCon was simply too expensive for them to attend in-person despite being based in Japan. 

For some this offered a moment to pause and reflect, a chance to ask: Can things be done differently?  There was a need to “become more collaborative within the digital rights movement itself, particularly in how limited resources are used,” said Ramanujam. 

“As civil society organisations, we must work to avoid duplicating efforts, build on each other’s strengths, and work more strategically based on our different positions and capacities within the broader ecosystem.”

“I would like to see international and regional digital rights organisations and networks come together and figure out how regional and global rights convenings can build on each other,” said Chat Garcia Ramilo, APC’s Director. She mentioned several annual regional convenings “spearheaded by like-minded civil society organisations” to illustrate her point. Apart from the Digital Rights Asia-Pacific Assembly, which attracts activists, academics, techies and policy makers in that region, three of them were held in Africa alone: the Forum on Internet Freedom in Africa (FIFAFRICA), the Digital Rights and Inclusion Forum, and Bread & Net, which bills itself as the leading digital rights ”unconference” in West and North Africa. …

Most in the APC community nevertheless also emphasised how important forums such as RightsCon amongst others including the Internet Governance Forum (IGF) were for organising around digital rights. 

“We need to continue finding, creating and advocating for these spaces, acknowledging and supporting the range of expressions and reactions, even if we don’t fully agree with all parts of it,” another member from the region said. “These spaces are crucial to exchange ideas, learn from each other, get inspired but also to demonstrate collective power.” 

As we assess the impact of this year’s RightsCon cancellation, the APC network is also reflecting on the lessons learned and the tools already at our disposal to help us move forward. Overall, a call to share learnings and strengthen joint action emerged as a common thread across many reflections within the APC network.


Sharing a glimpse of what the APC community would have brought to RightsConIn a push to create alternative spaces for community exchange, when we reached out to our network for this article, we also asked: ”If RightsCon had gone ahead, what key message would you have highlighted in your sessions/interventions?”While we will not be able to reflect the full, compelling agenda and APC’s priorities for this year’s event, here we present some of the insights shared:https://www.canva.com/design/DAHKtmLB-cA/6UrGaUUEYVmbrqCoFmq10Q/view?em

https://www.apc.org/en/news/rebuilding-solidarity-and-trust-apc-community-reflects-cancellation-rightscon-and-learnings

Over 130 organisations condemn the Government of Zambia’s abrupt disruption of RightsCon

Journalist Halim Naim found safety through Canada’s Human Rights Defenders program and continues the fight for the truth

May 29, 2026

On 3 May 2026, UNHCR published “I am addicted to the truth”: A Venezuelan journalist finds safety and purpose in Canada“, written by Zeba Tasci in Ottawa.

© Halim Naim

For more than 15 years, Venezuelan journalist Halim Naim built his career on one principle: telling the truth.  “I am addicted to the truth,” he says. However, that commitment came at a cost. Reporting in a country where freedom of expression was steadily eroding, Halim faced threats, censorship, and detention. As his visibility grew, so did the risks.  Despite the danger, he continued his work—leading political coverage, interviewing senior public and political figures, reporting national events, and defending the public’s right to be informed. But the pressure intensified. After speaking about contested elections and giving a platform to opposition voices, threats extended beyond him to his family. 

“I separated from my family to protect them,” he recalls.  Soon after, Halim fled Venezuela. He sought refuge in Colombia, where he continued advocating for human rights and supporting fellow Venezuelan refugees. But life remained uncertain. Without secure legal status and amid ongoing safety concerns, he struggled to rebuild. “I felt like I was working in hiding.”  

In 2025, after years living in exile, he was identified by UNHCR as a journalist at risk and was referred to Canada’s Human Rights Defenders resettlement program.  The program is designed to protect individuals who face threats because of their work defending human rights—journalists, activists, and community leaders whose voices are often targeted. For many, it offers a rare and urgent lifeline: a safe pathway out of danger and a chance to continue their human rights work in freedom. 

For Halim, the process moved quickly. Within months, he and his family arrived in Canada.  “Canada saved me,” he says simply.   Beyond safety, the program also provided recognition. “I never felt like a number. I felt like a professional who could contribute.” 

By offering a pathway to safety and a supportive resettlement process, the program allows human rights defenders not only to escape persecution, but to rebuild their lives with dignity and purpose. It also enables them to continue contributing their expertise, whether through journalism or advocacy, in their new communities. 

Canada’s Human Rights Defenders program offers safety to people defending human rights and face serious risk because of their work. These individuals may be journalists, lawyers, activists, environmental defenders, people working in women’s rights, LGBTQI+ activists, and community leaders. In 2025, UNHCR identified over 100 cases to be recommended for the program. 

Halim hopes to use his experience to contribute both to Canada, and one day, Venezuela. His goal remains the same: telling the truth to defend human rights.  For Halim, the program that brought him to safety represents something larger than his own story: a commitment to protecting those who speak out against injustice, and ensuring voices are not lost. 

“Exile did not silence us. Exile ignited voices, made them stronger, made them more solid, more secure.” 

https://www.unhcr.ca/news/i-am-addicted-to-the-truth-a-venezuelan-journalist-finds-safety-and-purpose-in-canada

More than 110 Nobel laureates call on Iran to release Narges Mohammadi

May 26, 2026
guardian.org

On Tuesday 12 May 2026 the Guardian reported that more than 110 Nobel laureates have called for the immediate and unconditional release of Narges Mohammadi, the imprisoned Iranian human rights activist and Nobel peace prize laureate, after she was transferred to hospital amid concerns over her rapidly deteriorating health

In a statement 112 Nobel laureates urged the Iranian authorities and the international community to act “without delay” to secure Mohammadi’s release and ensure her continued access to medical treatment.

Mohammadi, who was awarded the 2023 Nobel peace prize for decades of campaigning for women’s rights in Iran was transferred by ambulance in a critical medical condition to Tehran’s Pars hospital on 10 May for specialised treatment. [https://humanrightsdefenders.blog/2023/10/06/jailed-iranian-human-rights-defender-narges-mohammadi-wins-nobel-peace-prize-2023/]

The human rights activist has experienced severe weight loss, unstable blood pressure and serious cardiac symptoms while in detention, and was found unconscious in her cell after a possible heart attack. Mohammadi’s transfer to hospital is only a temporary respite and her representatives fear she will be returned to prison if her condition improves.

The signatories included 26 Nobel laureates in chemistry, 12 in economics, five in literature, 29 in medicine, 11 peace laureates and 29 in physics, and include the authors Annie Ernaux and JM Coetzee.

Mohammadi has been repeatedly detained by Iranian authorities for her activism since first being arrested in 1998, including her campaigns against the death penalty and Iran’s mandatory hijab laws. She has been sentenced to more than 44 years in prison and 154 lashes over multiple sentences. [https://humanrightsdefenders.blog/2026/01/16/many-ngos-raise-alarm-over-situation-of-detained-human-rights-defenders-in-iran-and-urge-un-human-rights-council-to-convene-a-special-session/]

Iranian human rights activist and 2023 Nobel Peace Prize laureate Narges Mohammadi has returned to her home after being discharged from hospital, her foundation said.

Mohammadi, 54, was released from Pars Hospital in Tehran on Sunday 17 May 2026 the Narges Foundation said on Monday. She was transferred from prison to a hospital in early May after she had two episodes of loss of consciousness and a severe cardiac crisis. [https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2026/5/18/iranian-nobel-laureate-narges-mohammadi-returns-home-after-hospital-release]

https://www.theguardian.com/global-development/2026/may/12/nobel-laureates-call-iran-release-gravely-ill-activist-human-rights-activist-narges-mohammadi

Human rights defenders to benefit from new protection hub in Kenya

May 26, 2026
Defenders Coalition executive director Kamau Ngugi during the launch of the organisation’s 2026 Strategic Plan at a Nairobi hotel/HANDOUT

An ambitious initiative aimed at strengthening the protection and capacity of human rights defenders in Kenya has been unveiled amid growing concerns over shrinking civic space and rising threats against activists.

Defenders Coalition, a national organisation that works primarily to protect Human Rights Defenders (HRDs) in Kenya, announced plans to establish Haki Village, a resource hub designed to offer safety, training and support to those championing justice and accountability across the country.

Speaking during the launch, Defenders Coalition Executive Director Kamau Ngugi said the initiative would serve as a safe haven for activists and civil society actors operating in increasingly difficult environments. “It will be a safe space for research, wellness, training and protection,” Ngugi said. The launch comes at a time when concerns are growing over the safety of individuals and groups who speak against injustices, corruption and abuse of power, especially as political activities ahead of the 2027 elections begin to intensify.

Kenya National Commission on Human Rights (KNCHR) chairperson Claris Ogangah, who was the chief guest at the event, welcomed the initiative, saying it comes at a critical moment when many human rights defenders require protection and institutional support. “Anybody who speaks against injustice needs to be protected,” Ogangah said.

She noted that the establishment of Haki Village complements the work already being undertaken by KNCHR and various civil society organisations seeking to safeguard civic space and uphold democratic freedoms in the country. Ogangah warned that the period leading to the 2027 General Election is likely to witness increased political activity, including campaign rallies and demonstrations that may at times turn violent.

Ngugi said the initiative forms part of the organisation’s broader 2026 Strategic Plan, which will guide interventions over the next five years.

According to him, the civic space in Kenya continues to face increasing pressure and could deteriorate further as the country approaches the next General Election.

“The civic space in Kenya is repressed and may narrow towards closed status as we head to the 2027 General Elections and beyond,” he said.

Ngugi observed that threats against human rights defenders are becoming more complex and sophisticated even as both global and local environments for activism grow increasingly uncertain.

He further argued that many countries, including Kenya, often fail to fully recognise and protect the important role played by human rights defenders, exposing them to intimidation,

https://www.the-star.co.ke/news/2026-05-21-human-rights-defenders-to-benefit-from-new-protection-hub

Surfshark joins forces with Amnesty International to train digital human rights defenders

May 23, 2026

Surfshark is supporting the Digital Forensics Fellowship of Amnesty International to help activists and journalists combat advanced mobile threats worldwide.

Surfshark VPN app on mobile phone
(Image credit: Surfshark)

As the threat of state-sponsored spyware and digital tracking continues to escalate, one of the VPN providers on the market is supporting efforts to protect the world’s most vulnerable internet users. Surfshark has officially announced it has become a supporting partner of Amnesty International’s Digital Forensics Fellowship (DFF). Run by Amnesty International’s Security Lab, the DFF is a highly specialized training program designed to teach human rights defenders how to conduct advanced mobile device analysis.

For the everyday user, a virtual private network acts as a shield against casual snooping and data harvesting. However, for journalists, activists, and civil society organizations, the threats are often more targeted and sophisticated. This partnership is geared toward equipping these individuals with hands-on skills in threat research, malware traffic analysis, and device forensics.

Ultimately, this initiative matters because it helps decentralize digital security. By teaching regional activists how to detect digital surveillance on their devices, Amnesty and Surfshark are helping to build a global network of experts capable of exposing human rights abuses without relying entirely on Western tech hubs for forensic analysis.

The DFF was born out of necessity following explosive revelations about global surveillance. Instead of just teaching theoretical cybersecurity, the program provides practical, hands-on experience in analyzing both Android and iOS environments. “The Digital Forensics Fellowship, or DFF, is a training program geared toward upskilling human rights defender-technologists in mobile device forensics.” A key pillar of the fellowship is its reliance on “consensual” forensics. This means that the analysis is only conducted with the informed consent of the individual or organization that has been targeted, putting the victims back in the driver’s seat.

“Our team is focused on consensual mobile device forensics, which refers to analysis and research that is done with a person or an organization,” Cyr told Surfshark. This model allows those targeted by highly sophisticated tools to understand exactly what compromised their devices, empowering them to decide on the best course of action.

While Surfshark is best known for its consumer VPN and antivirus products, the company does not build or sell digital forensics tools. However, the provider views the partnership as a necessary step in securing the broader digital ecosystem.

The reality is that securing the most at-risk internet users eventually benefits the everyday consumer. When organizations research and expose sophisticated campaigns targeting activists, it forces the broader tech industry to adopt higher security standards, increasing awareness and accountability for everyone online.

https://www.techradar.com/vpn/vpn-privacy-security/surfshark-joins-forces-with-amnesty-international-to-train-digital-human-rights-defenders

2 June 2026 film screening and discussion: “Water for Life” and the struggle of Berta Cáceres

May 21, 2026

On 23 November 2022 I posted:

and now – 3 years later – there is another film, shown on 02 June 2026, also in Geneva:

Ten years after the murder of Honduran human rights defender Berta Cáceres, ISHR and PBI Switzerland invite you to a special film screening and discussion featuring an edited version of the film “Water for Life “, followed by a discussion with Roxanna Altholz, Camilo Bermúdez (COPINH) and director Will Parrinello. Free admission upon registration.

For more on Carceres, see: https://humanrightsdefenders.blog/tag/caceres/ as well as https://www.trueheroesfilms.org/thedigest/laureates/2AD0CEE4-80CB-3234-04B4-F2ED7ACBE6C5

As part of a European advocacy tour organised by Peace Brigades International, Roxanna Altholz and Camilo Bermúdez will be stopping off in Switzerland to discuss the fight for truth and justice in the Berta Cáceres case.

The screening will be followed by a discussion with:

  • Roxanna Altholz, a human rights lawyer, associate director of the Human Rights Clinic at Berkeley Law and co-author of the independent report on the murder of Berta Cáceres
  • Camilo Bermúdez, a human rights defender and legal adviser to COPINH, a Honduran organisation founded by Berta Cáceres and supported by PBI in Honduras
  • Will Parrinello, director and producer of the film Water for Life.

The discussion will be moderated by Txell Bonet, a Catalan journalist.

2 June 2026 7:30 PM – 9:30 PM. Address: Fonction cinéma Maison des Arts du Grütli Rue du Général-Dufour 16 1204 Genève Event language(s) French/Spanish RSVP Needed: yes

https://ishr.ch/events/film-screening-and-discussion-water-for-life-and-the-struggle-of-berta-caceres

Theo van Boven, a giant in the field of international human rights law: 1934 – 2026. A personal look back.

May 19, 2026

Today was the funeral of one my best friends and, more importantly, one of the most significant architects of the international human rights system as it developed in the last 50 years. Theo (Theodoor Cornelis) van Boven, was born in Voorburg on 26 mei 1934 and died peacefully in Maastricht on 9 mei 2026.

I have had the honor to work with him for many years [our lives intertwined over a long period of time and on different locations] and wrote about him several times. Most recently “Courageous Leaders and NGO Initiatives” in Ramcharan and others (ed), The Protection Roles of Human Rights NGOs, Essays in honour of Adrien-Claude Zoller, Brill Nijhoff, Leiden, 2023 (ISBN 978-90-04-51677-9), pp 614-636.

So, here a large part of the section on this great man:
This section is about a man who was crucial in getting the United Nations and NGO partners to deal with human rights protection. Much has been written about his work and the enormous contribution Theo van Boven made to the UN human rights machinery as we now know it. ..
Nowadays the United Nations has an elaborate machinery to deal with human rights violations. The system is far from perfect and still too often subject to political pressures and selectivity but there are now a great many thematic and country mandates, emergency sessions and there is an International Criminal Court against impunity. Wind back 40 years and none of this existed. The violations were there for all to see but not for the United Nations, which preferred to consider this part of the ‘internal affairs of sovereign states’. The man who would make it his life’s mission to change this, Theo van Boven, got in 1977 the position from where to do it: Director of Human Rights in the UN.

His teenage years were eaten up by the second world war. His memories of that period, his strict protestant background and his law studies in Leiden led him to enter an area that was not so obvious at the time: international human rights. He studied in the USA, wrote there a thesis on freedom of religion and soon afterwards, around 1960, he found himself as a young diplomat shaping the human rights policy of the Netherlands. A decade later the protest against the Vietnam war, the violations by the Greek colonels, the coup d’état in Chile and President Carter’s new policy on human rights pushed human rights suddenly higher on the political agenda. Theo had become an expert member of the UN Sub-commission on Human Rights and was one of the engineers of the first UN effort to investigate large-scale human rights violations, namely Chile. I myself met him when he was still a young professor lecturing on human rights in Amsterdam. Then – in the summer of 1977, the same month I started at the ICJ – he was appointed Director of the small human rights secretariat of the UN in Geneva. Here he started his work to bring dictators to accountability and to give the UN a capacity to deal with gross and systematic violations of human rights. Something that is now taken for granted but it would cost Theo his job.

Unlike his predecessors, Theo van Boven did not put all his faith in quiet diplomacy and he regularly talked about the need for the UN to address gross and systematic violations, about the mobilisation of shame and stated that the UN should care about victims. He also started to receive the victims – and the NGOs who represent them – in his office. This led to an incident that would be comic if it was not for the consequences. J. Matarollo was an Argentinean exile lobbying against the generals in his homeland who were killing left-wing opponents by the thousands. Theo agreed to hear him and told his secretary (inherited from his predecessor) to call Matarollo to give him an appointment in the early of hours of the next day. She faithfully called the Argentinean embassy assuming that he was a diplomat as these were the kind of people that normally met with the Director. The next day there was no Matarollo but an angry Note Verbale from Argentinean Ambassador Martinez accusing Theo of meeting with terrorists.

In the UN he did not conform to the image of the traditional diplomat, e.g. by pinning an anti-apartheid button on his suit, but even more so by publicly stating that NGO reports about dead bodies floating down a river in Guatemala were true, or by denouncing disappearances in Chile and Argentina. When in 1980 the government in the USA changed and Ronald Reagan and his team decided to play down violations by right-wing regimes, especially in Latin America, Theo did not flinch and openly criticised their support to these dictatorships. “Naming and shaming” by a UN official was unusual and not easily accepted by the diplomatic community. The Latin American regimes – led by Argentina and silently encouraged by the US – started a campaign to oust Van Boven as Director of Human Rights.

To complicate matters for van Boven, the new UN Secretary-General must have felt little sympathy for this particular Director, as J. Perez de Cuellar had earlier, in 1980, been appointed as Special Representative by the previous Secretary General to go to Uruguay and look into the human rights situation. His report was such a whitewash that it was heavily criticized in the Commission on Human Rights. How correct this reaction had been was shown when the famous pianist Estrella – whom de Cuellar claimed to have visited in the Libertad prison – came to Geneva and told the I.C.J and others that there had been no such visit.

In the meantime in 1980 Theo had put great energy – together with some key NGOs in creating a Working Group on Enforced Disappearances. As a mechanism focusing only on Argentina was politically not feasible, the new idea was to create a thematic mandate on the phenomenon of disappearances in the knowledge that Argentina was going to be the main target. At the decisive session the tension was enormous as the outcome of the vote was very uncertain. The Jordanian Chairman of that session had to deal with endless procedural issues, many of them proposed by Uruguay (egged on by Argentina which was only an observer). Finally, late at night the Chair felt that the resolution creating the mandate could be passed without a vote and moved to do so, but the Uruguayan Ambassador again started to put up his name plate as a sign that he wanted the floor. The Chairman quite unusually interrupting, looked directly at the Uruguayan Ambassador and said: “I URGE my brother from Uruguay NOT to do this..” The name plate slowly turned downwards again and the Chair immediately declared the resolution adopted. The NGOs and tens of Mothers and Grandmothers of the Plaza de Mayo in the public galleries started a spontaneous applause and quite a tear was shed. ..

In early 1982 the issue of Theo van Boven’s tenure as Director came to the fore. His contract had to be renewed which normally was a routine matter, but not this time. The issue came to an explosion when Theo’s opening speech to the Human Rights Commission was sent on a Friday evening to the UN Secretariat in NY for information and at the same time given to the UN Office of Information in Geneva for distribution at the time of delivery the next Monday morning. The UN Office of Information decided to make the statement available to the media that very Friday evening (with the usual proviso: “check against delivery”). The Representative of Guatemala in Geneva obtained a copy of the statement and vehemently objected to the statement. The SG’s office demanded that Theo should refrain from mentioning countries by name – which Theo refused not only out of principle but also because the press would notice the difference on Monday and assume that there had been pressure to remove the names.

As a family friend bringing the kids back from a ski outing, I happened to overhear Theo on the phone to New York agreeing to a ‘compromise’: he would mention at the beginning of his speech that certain passages were done in his ‘personal capacity’. A few days later Theo was suddenly informed that his contract would anyway not be prolonged. His announcement at a dramatic session of the Human Rights Commission grew quickly into an international diplomatic incident.

As I was on the verge of leaving the ICJ, I had some time on my hands. So I got the idea – warmly supported by Niall McDermot – to publish a book with a selection of Theo’s major speeches from the last five years. One of his Special assistants, Bertie Ramcharan, who had written a good part of them, was very helpful and we managed to get a book out within only 6 weeks. The first copy was flown in to Geneva by the publisher and presented to Theo at a public farewell which the ICJ had organised for him. NGOs, some UN staff and students showed up in such large numbers at the university hall that the fire brigade had to refuse access to late comers. Speech after speech – including by Saddrudin Aga Khan – cantered on Theo role in getting the UN machinery on human rights to deal with violations more concretely and on his support for human rights NGOs…

With Ian Guest and many others, I remain convinced that Theo’s dismissal from the UN was the result of pressure by Latin American dictatorships with support from the Reagan administration. As stated in People Matter, he was “hired and fired for the same reason: his deep commitment to human rights”.

After his dismissal Theo and his family returned to the Netherlands where many were very disappointed that there was no real interest in giving him an equivalent position in the foreign affairs department and he ‘ended up’ in the new University of Maastricht as professor of international law, where together with others such as Cees Flinterman he bent the research programme into his favourite direction: human rights. He continued his involvement in international activism in a variety of functions: with NGOs (e.g. European Human Rights Foundation, IMADR, International Alert), and with the UN (e,g. the Sub-commission on Human Rights, Special Rapporteur on Compensation 1990 -1993, Special Rapporteur on Torture 2001-2005, first Registrar of the UN Yugoslavia Tribunal). In 1998 he became the Head of the Dutch Delegation to the Rome Conference which created the International Criminal Court (ICC).

In 1985 he was called to Buenos Aires as a witness to testify against the nine military leaders (including Videla) for their human rights violations in the period 1976 en 1983. The UN had advised him not to go but he felt that he should do anything to end the impunity of these perpetrators. Theo’s testimony – he was called already on the 2nd day – was seen as crucial in establishing that the leaders of the Junta must have known about the massive violations. Theo took the same position with regard to the father of princess Maxima Zorreguieta (the wife of the king of the Netherlands). As Minister of Agriculture Jorge Zorreguieta must have known about the atrocities and should at least have taken distance instead of denying any knowledge. A position which Theo took in 2001 and was still heard defending in 2012.

In the light of Theo van Boven’s recurring clashes with Argentina it must have given him great moral satisfaction when on 26 November 2009 he received a degree honoris causa from the University of Buenos Aires as well as the highest decoration from the Government.

He was rigthly honored with 4 human rights awards, see: https://www.trueheroesfilms.org/thedigest/laureates/01889BD2-06CD-49BA-9A71-1BBFFFA9121A

ICTJ stated: “Van Boven’s commitment to the pursuit of justice was relentless. He spoke up about impunity and accountability in contexts of repression such as the military dictatorships in Argentina and Chile, where he also championed the cause of the disappeared, even when political pressure limited others from doing so. Today, ICTJ honors his voice, his perspective, and his deep-rooted legacy. Inspired by his resolve, we will continue our commitment to uphold human dignity above all else in the pursuit of justice and lasting peace all over the world, however long it takes.

https://www.ictj.org/latest-news/ictj-mourns-passing-theo-van-boven-pioneer-victims%E2%80%99-rights

https://www.icj.org/icj-mourns-the-passing-of-theo-van-boven-a-leading-light-in-the-human-rights-movement

for the Dutch speakers :

https://www.nrc.nl/nieuws/2026/05/14/voorvechter-van-mensenrechten-theo-van-boven-was-voor-de-duvel-niet-bang-a4927748?gift_token=4927748~1779425764~ZoNkCp0IEeKfgABQVoV_mg~qz1T0tF_jkfHhM3-1nfqmOps9ohrOWVEsPKAKJ5VJVA