Posts Tagged ‘Colombia’

Environmental Defenders threatened inspite of their positive but undervalued role in climate defence

April 27, 2026

On 23 April 2026 Anamaría Martinez and Elizabeth Moses for WRI explain how environmental defenders help prevent deforestation and protect ecosystems critical to climate stability. Yet many face severe and sometimes lethal threats while remaining underrecognized in climate policies that often depend on their work but fail to protect them.

Village on the Congo Basin rainforest in the Democratic Republic of the Congo

Image by VaLife/Shutterstock

Benitha Bompendju grew up in Tshuapa province in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, surrounded by the dense rainforests of the Congo Basin. The world’s second-largest tropical forest, it plays a critical role in regulating the global climate, conserving biodiversity and sustaining local communities like Benitha’s. Yet when she was growing up, industrial logging was constant.

Concessionaires licensed by the government to harvest timber promised to bring benefits like schools and health centers. But these projects often did not materialize, and local authorities rarely got involved. Instead, companies stripped trees from the land and left local communities — who have long stewarded and relied on the rainforest — with little in return.

“As children, we watched the concessionaires leave with the wood and our parents received nothing,” Benitha recalls. “That was injustice.” This experience shaped Benitha’s future work. In 2016, she began monitoring forest-use contracts and documenting violations, working with partner organizations and government agencies to hold violators accountable. Since then, these joint efforts have helped curb illegal logging, enforce environmental regulations and deliver promised investments to communities.

Yet this critical work can be dangerous — lethally so. Benitha and other environmental defenders like her are often caught in the crosshairs of commercial interests and corruption. Many face threats, intimidation, physical assault, kidnapping and deadly violence. Global Witness documented 146 defenders killed or missing in 2024. The total number killed or missing from 2012 to 2024 is over 2,200 — and because many cases go unreported, the true toll is likely higher.

Research consistently shows that forests managed by Indigenous Peoples and local communities have lower deforestation rates and greater carbon sequestration than those managed under other regimes, making their contribution a measurable climate outcome. But without necessary protections — from access to climate justice to the systems and law enforcement needed to prevent threats and tragic loss of life — environmental defenders can’t safeguard vital ecosystems. And such protections can’t materialize or become institutionalized if environmental defenders aren’t accurately recognized and reflected in climate and nature policies.

The UN defines environmental human rights defenders as “individuals and groups who, in their personal or professional capacity and in a peaceful manner, strive to protect and promote human rights relating to the environment, including water, air, land, flora and fauna.” This includes those who defend the collective right to a safe, clean, healthy and sustainable environment, as well as traditional lands and livelihoods, through actions ranging from community organizing and legal advocacy to protesting, public campaigning and journalism. Many come from Indigenous and tribal groups with deep ancestral ties to the land.

Our research focuses specifically on frontline environmental defenders — those who live in, and defend, resource-rich areas experiencing what the UN Environment Programme describes as “abuse of environmental rights which affects a growing number of people in many parts of the world.”

To understand how defenders are represented in the gray (unpublished) and peer-reviewed literature on climate change under the UNFCCC, we examined 170 peer-reviewed documents from 2015 to 2025, including journal articles, books and reports, to map how defenders’ actions and contributions are reflected. The literature we surveyed both reflects trends in policymaking and serves as a source decision-makers might draw on to develop global and national climate and nature policies. Download

We found that groups such as Indigenous Peoples, women, local communities and youth are increasingly acknowledged as “agents of change” with decision-making capacity, rather than portrayed as victims or passive recipients of project benefits.

However, only 5% of the literature explicitly identifies members of these groups as “defenders” working to protect ecosystems and resources. This represents a crucial gap. Climate literature (and wider climate governance frameworks) tends to recognize who these people are — such as Indigenous Peoples, women-led organizations and youth activists — but without recognizing what they do, such as monitor deforestation and challenge extractive industries, or the risks they face as a result.

How environmental defenders are represented in climate literature.

This difference may seem subtle, but is crucial. Recognizing someone’s identity alone doesn’t necessarily translate into protection or funding for the stewardship and advocacy these groups engage in. Not all identity groups (for example, Indigenous Peoples) are environmental defenders, and not all defenders belong to these groups, even if there is often an overlap. Recognizing defenders’ on the ground contributions, on the other hand, is important because it highlights their role in delivering concrete climate actions — and the need for institutional support and protection, not just their inclusion as stakeholders.

Protection can include early-warning and rapid-response systems that trigger protective action when defenders report threats or surveillance. It also means access to legal aid and judicial remedies, such as fast-track investigations, special counsel and public defenders trained in environmental and land-rights cases.

Meanwhile, governments are missing out on more effective and equitable climate solutions. Defenders bring unique perspectives, knowledge and lived experience — from agroforestry practices rooted in local traditions to stronger data collection and monitoring for more accurate NDC reporting — and help ensure policies are carried out more effectively. Yet threats to defenders weaken both national and global climate action by deterring those who risk their lives to safeguard ecosystems and enforce laws and policies.

Climate outcomes to which frontline defenders contribute, by category

What Would It Take to Support Environmental Defenders?

Frameworks like the Paris Agreement and the Local Communities and Indigenous Peoples Platform (LCIPP) under the UNFCCC already aim to integrate rights-based climate action into national and global goals. But they lack clear definitions and guidance on how defenders should be recognized and supported. To truly support environmental defenders, they must be incorporated into climate policy, reporting and finance.

Here are three ways this can happen: 

1) Defining ‘Defenders’

The first step is defining what defenders are — not by identities, but by the concrete actions they take for climate protection and community resilience. Many don’t self-identify as “defenders.” They are individuals and communities that contribute to climate action and environmental protection. This would capture these de facto roles.

Adopting a practice-based definition in national and multilateral policymaking, alongside indicators that track defenders’ contributions to climate action, would allow policymakers to systematically recognize the people protecting ecosystems on the ground. Indicators could include community monitoring results, forest protection metrics or the number of co-designed adaptation plans.

This formalization would have three practical implications: First, recognizing defenders as a group would allow implementation of protection measures by identifying and addressing the risks they take. Second, it could enable governments to allocate budget to support defender-led initiatives. Third, it could strengthen their participation in decision-making at national and international levels by giving them space to share their knowledge on climate action and local ecosystems.

2) Protecting Defenders

Without safety guarantees, defenders cannot participate or contribute effectively. Protection requires two key elements: physical safety and legal resources.

Physical safety includes strengthening safeguards to reduce social and environmental risks and exploitation, for example, when concessionaires undertake projects in resource-rich areas. One way this can be supported is by creating early warning systems that allow defenders to report threats to the authorities and receive support, ensuring formal grievance mechanisms exist to ensure defender safety (with international backing, if needed). Another is by integrating defender protection requirements into climate funding, including zero-tolerance policies for violent reprisals.

Legal protection includes access to resources and courts. However, many defenders lack access due to prohibitive costs, limited connections and a poor understanding of the system. Where corruption is entrenched and governance weak, domestic legal systems can be used against defenders, leading to their criminalization as a way to silence them and stop their work. International accountability mechanisms — including UN human rights bodies, transnational legal networks and climate finance conditions tied to defender safety — can create external pressure where national systems fail. But they can only function if defenders are formally recognized. Without this, accountability is nearly impossible to demand.

Some progress has been made in different parts of the world. The Aarhus Convention, adopted in 1998, requires parties to “ensure that individuals exercising their rights to environmental information, participation and justice are not penalized, persecuted or harassed.” And Article 9 of the Escazú Agreement, adopted in 2018, calls for “a safe and enabling environment for persons, groups and organizations that promote and defend human rights in environmental matters.” 

At the national level, climate justice laws and policies in Colombia, Mexico, Indonesia and the Philippines enshrine protection mechanisms that cover defenders and their work, while aiming to provide access to legal support. 

A guide walks through an old-growth forest in the Democratic Republic of the Congo
Environmental defenders can include anyone that protects human rights related to the environment, including rights to a safe, clean and sustainable environment. They often face threats to their well-being and lack access to legal systems that could help support them. Photo by Eric Isselee/Shutterstock

However, significant implementation gaps remain.

Colombia’s law has stalled due to limited accessibility, the absence of a clear definition of who constitutes a human rights defender and a reshuffling of funds during the COVID-19 pandemic. In Mexico, a backlog caused in part by insufficient staffing prevents cases from being addressed in a timely manner, and protection measures are not always adequately implemented.

Indonesia recognizes defenders explicitly, but in practice, continued criminalization and intimidation prevent them from accessing the legal protection the mechanism provides. In the Philippines, financial and cultural barriers to filing cases, limited legal knowledge among defenders and slow processing times hinder the widespread implementation of legal framework protecting them.

Yet when defenders can access justice, legal action can drive accountability and tangible outcomes. In 2018, 25 Colombian youth aged seven to 26 years old filed a lawsuit against the government, alleging that climate change and failure to reduce deforestation threatened their fundamental rights. While a lower court initially ruled against them, Colombia’s Supreme Court overturned the decision and ordered the government to devise and implement action plans to address deforestation in the Amazon.

Defenders need legal support and safe, inclusive access to the processes behind these laws and regulations. Rights-based climate cases and stronger rule of law systems provide essential recourse when other accountability channels fail.

3) Integrating Defenders into Climate Plans

Protecting Defenders Is Essential for Climate Action

Protecting environmental defenders is a question of safeguarding human rights and life, ensuring climate justice and strengthening climate action.

People like Benitha, who put their lives on the line to defend the forests and other ecosystems that sustain them and the world, should not face these high-stake risks alone. Governments, multilateral institutions and finance bodies share the responsibility of formally recognizing and protecting environmental defenders within climate, nature and other policies.

Doing so is a matter of equity — and a climate imperative. When defenders are safe and supported, forests stay standing, emissions stay out of the atmosphere and frontline communities can continue building resilience for their own futures and the world’s. 

https://www.wri.org/insights/defenders-in-climate-policy

UN reports that nearly 100 human rights defenders are killed every year in Colombia

March 23, 2026

During each of the last nine years around 100 human rights defenders have been assassinated in Colombia, according to a United Nations report published on 19 March 2026 [this is inline with earlier findings e.g. https://humanrightsdefenders.blog/2025/05/13/front-line-defenders-global-analysis-2024-25/ and https://humanrightsdefenders.blog/2024/09/18/global-witness-2023-2024-annual-report-violent-erasure-of-land-and-environmental-defenders/]

The 972 deaths recorded between 2016 and 2025 make Colombia “one of the most dangerous countries in the world” for such activists, according to the UN’s High Commissioner for Human Rights, Volker Türk. 

Following the historic peace accords between the government and the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) in 2016, the report noted a gradual increase in assassinations.  This was linked to the state’s inability to maintain a strong presence in areas previously controlled by the guerrilla group. 

Over 70% of identified perpetrators were armed non-state actors, with the majority of cases analyzed by the report involved in drug trafficking, illegal mining, illegal logging, and human trafficking.  The number of attacks and threats against human rights defenders investigated by the UN between 2022 and 2025 was 2,018, however this is thought to represent “only a fraction” of the true number due to underreporting and the lack of efficient government records of such cases. 

The report recognized the work of the current Historic Pact (Pacto Histórico) government of Gustavo Petro, which has publicly recognized the gravity of the situation and worked to develop a national strategy to counter it. This included the 2022 law that established peace as a matter of state policy, recognizing the state’s responsibility to “guarantee human security” through a “territorial and intersectional approach”. 

However, the UN says the state’s response has failed human rights defenders due to its fragmented nature that lacks coordination between national, departmental, and municipal authorities. 

“In addition to ensuring accountability for the murders that have taken place, addressing the structural causes of this human tragedy through a comprehensive approach must be a priority for all relevant authorities in Colombia, in order to protect human rights defenders and enable them to carry out their vital work safely,” Türk said. 

High levels of impunity have also persisted, with only 55 out of the 800 cases investigated between 2022 and 2025 ending in sentencing. In over half of these cases, no suspects have been identified. 

Nearly a quarter of victims identified by the UN were Indigenous (23%) highlighting a disproportionate effect on this population that represents less than 5% of Colombians. 

Other disproportionately affected groups include Afro-Colombians, LGBTQ+ individuals, rural community leaders and environmental protectors, as well as political leaders. 

The report concluded by urging the Colombian state to take action to combat this issue, recommending institutional reforms and criminal investigations into perpetrators.

https://www.ohchr.org/en/press-releases/2026/03/colombia-urgent-action-needed-end-widespread-violence-against-human-rights

Andrea Bolaños Vargas next Special Rapporteur on human rights defenders?

March 10, 2026

The Human Rights Council President has proposed that States select Bolaños Vargas as the Special Rapporteur on human rights defenders by the end of the body’s ongoing 61st session.

The Office of the President of the United Nations Human Rights Council has made public a letter in which it presents 15 candidates to fill mandates within the UN human rights system. This includes the key position of Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights defenders, for which the President has proposed Andrea Bolaños Vargas.

In selecting a new mandate holder, we urge States to commit to fully cooperating with the Special Rapporteur to promote and enable the work of human rights defenders everywhere. The work under this mandate is central at this time where we urgently need the voices of individual activists and civil society to reinvent multilateralism.

A Colombian national, Andrea Bolaños Vargas is a human rights expert with experience as a researcher and advisor for UN agencies, regional bodies, international, regional civil society and grassroots organisations across Latin America, particularly on migration, gender, and human rights protection issues.

Should the Council approve this nomination in the closing days of its 61st session, Bolaños Vargas will succeed Mary Lawlor, who has held the position of Special Rapporteur since 2020.

Andrea Bolaños Vargas became the next UN Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights defenders, by decision of the UN Human Rights Council at the close of its 61st session in Geneva on 31 March 2026.

https://ishr.ch/latest-updates/andrea-bolanos-vargas-set-to-become-next-focal-point-for-defenders-at-the-un

https://www.openglobalrights.org/andrea-bolanos-vargas/

https://andreabola.academia.edu/

https://www.frontlinedefenders.org/en/statement-report/andrea-bolanos-vargas-appointed-un-special-rapporteur-situation-human-rights

International Federation for Human Rights keeps growing

November 23, 2025

In 2025 the International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH) welcomed 14 new organisations, on the occasion of its 42nd Congress, which took place in Bogotá at the end of October. The federation now has 194 members in 120 countries. Of varied origins, cultures, organisations, issues and sizes, yet united by a common struggle: the universal defence of human rights. These 14 memberships demonstrate the vitality of the human rights movement across the world, the relevance of the growth of an international federation dedicated to this universalist cause, and the need to bring together the strengths of civil society worldwide in the face of the challenges it is faced with. Local struggles, global problems, the organisations of FIDH find within the federation a space of solidarity where they can exchange ideas and collectively develop solutions to the shrinking civic space observed throughout the world.

With these new arrivals, our federation is growing and becoming stronger, particularly on the Asian continent“, says Alexis Deswaef, President of FIDH, elected at the same congress in Bogotá.

https://www.fidh.org/en/about-us/What-is-FIDH/fidh-joined-by-14-new-member-organisations-for-a-stronger-federation

Colombia and Brazil – the world’s deadliest countries for environmental activists

February 17, 2025

Cândida Schaedler on 12 February 2025 asks whether anything can be done to protect them.

In 2023, 196 land and environmental defenders were murdered around the world – the vast majority of them in Latin America. In fact, just four countries – Brazil, Colombia, Honduras and Mexico – accounted for over 70 percent of those killings. Colombia was by far the deadliest country, with 79 murders, followed by Brazil, with 25.

We spoke with some of these brave activists to learn more about the threats they face, how they stay safe and how Colombia and Brazil are working to keep them alive.

Quilombolas
Quilombolas in the Jequitinhonha Valley in Minas Gerais, Brazil. Photo: Mídia NINJA, Flickr

“When we recognized ourselves and declared ourselves a quilombo, our peace was over”, recalls Elza,* a Brazilian Quilombola leader in her late 50s.

In December 2008, she was shot and injured in an attack that killed her brother and sister. Since then, she hasn’t left her home alone – not even for a walk in her own territory, one of the 11 urban quilombos in Porto Alegre, the capital of Rio Grande do Sul in southern Brazil.

Quilombos are Afro-Brazilian communities that were originally founded by escaped slaves in colonial times.

Today, they are officially defined as “ethno-racial groups that, by self-definition, have their own historical trajectory, maintain specific territorial relations and are presumed to have Black ancestry related to resistance against historical oppression.” Brazil has recognized quilombos in its constitution since 1988, but the process of gaining legal recognition is time-consuming and often fraught with obstacles. Elza’s community was officially designated a quilombo in 2005, but only after its residents agreed to give up half their territory. Ever since, they’ve been battling gangs and real estate speculators who want control of the same 58 hectares of land they call home.

In 2022, they once again came under attack. Armed men showed up at their door in an attempt to take over a housing project under construction in the quilombo, which had been put on hold due to a dispute with the bank financing it….

Elza and her daughter, Carolina,* live under the protection of the Brazilian government, which has a program to safeguard human rights defenders, environmentalists and communicators.

Jesus Pinilla
Jesus Pinilla leads a workshop for the Network of Young Guardians of the Atrato. Photo courtesy of Jesus Pinilla

Jesus Pinilla is a 26-year-old Afro-Colombian activist from a small community in the Chocó Department in western Colombia. He is a member of the Network of Young Guardians of the Atrato, a group composed of 36 young people defending the Atrato River – considered the mightiest river in Colombia.

Back in 2016, the Atrato was the first Colombian river to be given legal rights. Enforcing those rights are a group of 10 guardians, along with the Young Guardians, who are embroiled in a constant battle against mining companies exploiting the river’s waters.

Pinilla works as an environmental educator. He first became an environmental activist at the age of 14, but he fears that the risks often drive young people away from climate and environmental movements in Colombia.

“My community is located by the river, so we are constantly dealing with it on a daily basis,” he says. “We depend on it for our basic needs.”

Brazil military police officer
Policing is not enough to tackle the threats facing land and environmental defenders in Latin America. Photo: Agência Brasília, Flickr

“When combined with the interests of communities, the internal armed conflict becomes even more dangerous,” says Leonardo González Perafán, director of the Institute for Development and Peace Studies (Indepaz) in the capital, Bogotá.

“That’s when actions against environmental defenders and communities come into play,” he explains, adding that environmental conflicts often occur in countries with abundant mineral resources.

In most cases, communities are forced to self-organize to ensure their own safety due to the absence of the state.

“They provide self-protection through Indigenous or campesino [farmer] guards,” he explains. 

The communities have also developed communication strategies to share information with each other, as well as with the authorities and other organizations.

But as long as the armed conflict persists, it will be very difficult for the government to tackle systemic threats against environmental defenders, especially in areas where it has little authority, says Franklin Castañeda, director of human rights at Colombia’s Ministry of the Interior.

Castañeda explains that more than 15,000 people are currently protected under the National Protection Unit (UNP), which aims to ensure the safety of members of Congress, mayors, journalists, human rights defenders, community leaders and other individuals facing threats due to their work.

The majority – around 9,000 – of these people are social leaders, including environmental defenders. The UNP provides them with security measures such as bulletproof vests, private escorts, armored vehicles or other measures as deemed necessary on a case-by-case basis.

Still, Castañeda emphasizes that individual measures are a last resort. The government has also invested in prevention, such as ensuring that the military and police are not involved in illegal activities.

Despite these efforts, Castañeda concedes that there is still plenty of work to be done to address the structural drivers of conflict, such as high levels of socioeconomic inequality.

“Most of the territories where social conflicts arise are the least developed ones that the government still cannot reach.”

He says these areas will need internet access, highways and other infrastructure to improve the government’s ability to ensure safety and the rule of law.

Quilombo in southern Brazil
A quilombo in southern Brazil. Photo: Cândida Schaedler

In Brazil, the main drivers of conflict are deforestation, illegal mining, real estate speculation and the expansion of agriculture.

In response, the government is supporting 1,304 people through the Program for the Protection of Human Rights Defenders, Communicators and Environmentalists (PPDDH), linked to the Ministry of Human Rights and Citizenship. 

The program’s coordinator, Igo Martini, emphasizes the importance of listening to the communities to respond quickly to their protection needs.  Last year, it carried out 54 public consultations to devise a National Plan to address threats to these communities. But Martini also points out the need to address the root causes rather than merely deploying the police.

“If we don’t solve the underlying causes, the program will continue for another 20 or 40 years just responding to emergencies,” he warns. “A movement from the states is also necessary, not just from the federal government.”

“We need to strengthen agencies, monitoring systems and prevention systems, like the Brazilian Institute of the Environment and Renewable Natural Resources (Ibama), for example.”

The PPDDH operates in three areas: state protection, justice protection and collective protection.

While state and justice protection are offered by the police and courts respectively, collective protection involves strengthening communities and providing them with the tools to communicate with each other and report threats to the authorities to safeguard their territory.

https://thinklandscape.globallandscapesforum.org/71968/deadliest-countries-for-environmental-activists/

Dejusticia 2025 fellowships for defenders from the Global South

December 20, 2024

Members of the 2024 cohort of our Global South Defenders program.

This opportunity allows human rights defenders from countries in the Global South who are in emergency or high-risk situations to develop their projects and participate in an academic and cultural exchange in a safe space.

There are 14 thematic areas within Dejusticia to whichyou can apply.

The fellowship will begin in the second semester of 2025.

Who is eligible to be part of the program?

We seek human rights defenders from the Global South who meet the following criteria:

  • They come from an emergency or high-risk context. This includes regions affected by armed conflict, civil unrest, or authoritarian regimes, where there is an imminent threat to the security of the grantee. This may involve situations where the grantee and/or their organization have been subjected to threats, intimidation, or populist propaganda, or where they have been excluded from funding due to government or private sector influence.
  • The grantee may be at risk of burnout and is seeking a quiet place to continue working on human rights issues, but in a different context.
  • They belong to human rights organizations in the Global South that are interested in engaging in exchanges and joint research or advocacy work with Dejusticia.
  • They aim to build lasting relationships with other fellows and with Dejusticia. This ensures that our fellowships function as acceleration hubs for connections that will make the human rights movement more cohesive and impactful.

What will fellows receive from Dejusticia?

Dejusticia will cover travel expenses (visa, tickets) and provide a monthly stipend based on the fellow’s profile and experience. Although Dejusticia will offer support at the beginning of the process, including a two-week training period on applied research and on the fellow’s specific work, it is important to note that fellows will be responsible for managing their stipend to cover housing, transportation, and food expenses.

What are the commitments of the Global South Fellow?

The fellow will allocate their time at Dejusticia as follows:

How to apply for the fellowship program?

Before January 31, 2025, please fill out the form

CF: 2024:

Global Witness 2023-2024 Annual Report: Violent Erasure of Land and Environmental Defenders

September 18, 2024

According to a new report by Global Witness released on 10 September, more than 2,100 land and environmental defenders were killed globally between 2012 and 2023.

  • An estimated 196 land and environmental defenders were killed in 2023 around the world, according to a new Global Witness report published today
  • The new figures take the total number of defenders killed between 2012 to 2023 to 2,106
  • For the second year running, Colombia had the highest number of killings worldwide – with a record 79 defenders killed last year, followed by Brazil (25), Mexico (18) and Honduras (18)
  • Once again, Latin America had the highest number of recorded killings worldwide, with 166 killings overall – 54 killings across Mexico and Central America and 112 in South America
  • Environmental defenders are also being increasingly subject to range of tactics for silencing those who speak out for the planet across Asia, the UK, EU and US

The new figures bring the total number of defender killings to 2,106 between 2012 and 2023.

Overall, Colombia was found to be the deadliest country in the world, with 79 deaths in total last year – compared to 60 in 2022, and 33 in 2021. This is the most defenders killed in one country in a single year Global Witness has ever recorded. With 461 killings from 2012 to 2023, Colombia has the highest number of reported environmental defender killings globally on record.

See:https://humanrightsdefenders.blog/2023/09/25/global-witness-annual-report-2022-a-land-rights-defender-killed-every-other-day/

Other deadly countries in Latin America include Brazil, with 25 killings last year, and Mexico and Honduras, which both had 18 killings.

Central America has emerged as one of the most dangerous places in the world for defenders. With 18 defenders killed in Honduras, the country had the highest number of killings per capita in 2023. A total of 10 defenders were also killed in Nicaragua last year, while four were killed in Guatemala, and four in Panama.

Worldwide, Indigenous Peoples and Afrodescendents continue to be disproportionately targeted, accounting for 49% of total murders.

Laura Furones, Lead Author and Senior Advisor to the Land and Environmental Defenders Campaign at Global Witness, said:

“As the climate crisis accelerates, those who use their voice to courageously defend our planet are met with violence, intimidation, and murder. Our data shows that the number of killings remains alarmingly high, a situation that is simply unacceptable.

While establishing a direct relationship between the murder of a defender and specific corporate interests remains difficult, Global Witness identified mining as the biggest industry driverby far, with 25 defenders killed after opposing mining operations in 2023. Other industries include fishing (5), logging (5), agribusiness (4), roads and infrastructure (4) and hydropower (2).

In total, 23 of the 25 mining-related killings globally last year happened in Latin America. But more than 40% of all mining-related killings between 2012 and 2023 occurred in Asia – home to significant natural reserves of key critical minerals vital for clean energy technologies.

As well as highlighting the number of killings worldwide, the report unearths wider trends in non-lethal attacks and their harmful impacts on communities globally. It highlights cases of enforced disappearances and abductions, pointed tactics used in both the Philippines and Mexico in particular, as well as the wider use of criminalisation as a tactic to silence activists across the world.

The report also explores the crackdown on environmental activists across the UK, Europe and the US, where laws are increasingly being weaponised against defenders, and harsh sentences are more frequently imposed on those who have played a role in climate protests. The findings form part of a concerning trend of criminalisation cases emerging worldwide.

https://www.euronews.com/green/2024/09/11/european-governments-are-using-harsh-overly-broad-laws-to-silence-climate-protesters

Despite the escalating climate crisis – and governments pledging to achieve the Paris Agreement target of 1.5C – land and environmental defenders are being increasingly subject to a wide range of attacks to stop their efforts to protect the planet. At least 1,500 defenders have been killed since the adoption of the Paris Agreement on 12 December 2015.

Nonhle Mbuthuma, author of the report’s foreword and Goldman Environmental Prize Winner 2024, said:

“Across every corner of the globe, those who dare to expose the devastating impact of extractive industries — deforestation, pollution, and land grabbing — are met with violence and intimidation. This is especially true for Indigenous Peoples, who are essential in the fight against climate change, yet are disproportionately targeted year after year.

Download Report (PDF | 2.76 MB | Full Report)

Dejusticia: Fellowship Program for Human Rights Defenders from the Global South

June 26, 2024

On 25 June 2024, Isabel de Brigard and Christy Crouse described this fellowship programme taking place in Bogota:

Dejusticia’s work as part of the human rights movement has always been carried out alongside individuals and partner organizations with whom we have collaborated to advance various agendas. The value of these encounters drives us to constantly seek ways to better articulate our work with leaders, activists, and professionals from different areas of the human rights movement in Colombia and different countries of the Global South. As part of this effort, the Fellowship Program for activists and human rights defenders from the Global South was born. With this program, we seek to generate South-South collaboration ties that are sustained over time and contribute both to building a more coordinated and organized civil society, as well as supporting the individual efforts of those who work for global justice on a daily basis.

What does the program entail? Dejusticia provides fellowships for cohorts of 5 to 8 human rights defenders who come to Bogota, Colombia, to live and work here for periods of 3 to 6 months. They are integrated into one of Dejusticia’s teams to work with its researchers on collaborative projects. The program offers fellows a collaborative and creative space to reflect on various relevant issues, strengthen their work in the struggle for social and environmental justice, and get inspired by new strategies, approaches and possibilities of transformative actions. 

For those who in their places of origin often face risks derived from the work they do, Dejusticia offers a quiet and safe space for research, advocacy, and fellowship with those who share their struggles. The program is a useful opportunity for exchange, in which those who come to Dejusticia can explore our tools and action-research strategies to enrich the work they do in their home countries, while Dejusticia learns from their experience and that of their organizations.  

A new kind of profile for fellows 

The program we designed at Dejusticia takes a slightly different approach. We look for human rights defenders and activists with three key characteristics: (1) people who are at risk due to threats, armed conflict, an authoritarian government, or obstruction of their work; (2) people who may be at risk of burnout from their job; and (3) people linked to a human rights organization in the global south that is interested in working with Dejusticia. 

This approach has allowed us to receive people from Brazil, India, Mexico, Nigeria, Turkey, Venezuela, among other countries. Our fellows are professionals and activists in political science, law, sociology, communications, and more, many with extensive experience, as well as people who are just beginning their careers. Welcoming each of the people who have participated in the program has been an opportunity to add hospitality to the strategies with which we seek to strengthen the human rights movement in the Global South. And in the same vein, programs like this one are a fundamental part of our efforts to strengthen the voice and presence of actors from the Global South in debates, academic production, and the setting of human rights agendas.

Cohort 2023

In the second semester of 2023 we had a cohort of fellows whose time with Dejusticia was enormously enriching. 

Jorge Lule, for example, is a political scientist and public administrator from Mexico, specializing in public security issues and conflict analysis. He has worked on issues of militarization, drug policy, serious human rights violations and international crimes. During his fellowship at Dejusticia, he collaboratively wrote an article, with a researcher of the Transitional Justice line, regarding the serious crisis of disappearances and the search for missing persons faced by both countries. This text was published in Dejusticia’s Global Blog and in the Mexican news portal Animal Político. 

Another fellow, Danielly Rodriguez, comes from Venezuela and is an activist and social documentarian. She has a long history of telling the stories of  Venezuelans, their struggle against authoritarianism and in favor of human rights. She has been working in the field of human rights for more than 11 years, especially through documentary photography. According to her, the fellowship at Dejusticia helped her understand other contexts of human rights situations, both in the countries of the other fellows and in Colombia. It also confirmed her belief that although we are separated by borders, there are situations that affect us in very similar ways.

Miracle Joseph comes from Nigeria and joined the tax justice team. With a background in geography, he specializes in economic, social and behavioral geography, focusing on the connections between government policies and social patterns. His main project at Dejusticia was an investigation that aimed to understand how corruption affects the advancement of human rights and sustainable development in Nigeria, focusing on health, education and climate change.

Finally, Fabian Hernandez is a young activist from the Colombian Caribbean region with campesino roots, linked to the peasant resistance movement in the department of Cesar. He is active in social movements, especially in the struggle for the recovery of land, water and ecosystems. Fabián strengthened his research skills and exchanged tools with Dejusticia’s Land and Peasant Rights team, which he joined during his stay. During this time he wrote a text on autonomy and peasant resistance in the Sumapaz region and organized a discussion with peasant leaders from different parts of Colombia to discuss the challenges and stakes in agroalimentary farming territories.

Having these four talented and committed people be part of our team in 2023 was a great privilege and an opportunity to learn and build valuable partnerships. By the middle of 2024 we will have a new cohort, which will continue to enable us to strengthen the knowledge, experiences, and collaborative networks essential to the work of those of us who fight for global justice.

https://www.dejusticia.org/en/fellowships-program/

https://www.dejusticia.org/en/human-rights-in-the-global-south/

Colombia:215 human rights defenders murdered in 2022

May 15, 2024

Associated Press on 23 January 2023 informs us that Colombia’s human rights watchdog is reporting that 215 human rights advocates were killed last year, the highest death toll since a peace accord was signed with leftist rebels in 2016.

José Ricaurte Quintero, who founded the Maná Survivors Association, was one of the last victims of 2022. He was assassinated in the street in Armenia in December. His group supported families of people who disappeared during more than five decades of armed conflict in Colombia.

The ombudsman’s office says the murders coincide with places that are strategically important to organized crime groups involved in drug trafficking, illegal mining and contraband.

The government of Gustavo Petro — Colombia’s first-ever leftist president — has proposed in his “total peace” policy to initiate peace talks with armed groups such as the ELN guerrillas and to reach out to FARC dissidents who refused to sign the peace accord, as well as the Gulf Clan cartel, with whom the government announced a truce.

Ombudsman Carlos Camargo expressed hope that such talks would lead to a reduction in actions against leaders of human rights groups.

https://uk.style.yahoo.com/news/colombia-reports-215-human-rights-200946762.html

see also: https://latinamericareports.com/colombia-again-tops-list-of-most-dangerous-countries-for-rights-defenders-report/9041/

Inter-American Court of Human Rights: Historic Victory for CAJAR in Colombia

April 10, 2024

In a landmark ruling for fundamental freedoms in Colombia, the Inter-American Court of Human Rights found that for over two decades the state government harassed, surveilled, and persecuted members of a lawyer’s group that defends human rights defenders, activists, and indigenous people, putting the attorneys’ lives at risk. 

The ruling is a major victory for civil rights in Colombia, which has a long history of abuse and violence against human rights defenders, including murders and death threats. The case involved the unlawful and arbitrary surveillance of members of the Jose Alvear Restrepo Lawyers Collective (CAJAR), a Colombian human rights organization defending victims of political persecution and community activists for over 40 years.

The court found that since at least 1999, Colombian authorities carried out a constant campaign of pervasive secret surveillance of CAJAR members and their families. That state violated their rights to life, personal integrity, private life, freedom of expression and association, and more, the Court said. It noted the particular impact experienced by women defenders and those who had to leave the country amid threat, attacks, and harassment for representing victims.  

The decision is the first by the Inter-American Court to find a State responsible for violating the right to defend human rights. The court is a human rights tribunal that interprets and applies the American Convention on Human Rights, an international treaty ratified by over 20 states in Latin America and the Caribbean. 

In 2022, EFF, Article 19, Fundación Karisma, and Privacy International, represented by Berkeley Law’s International Human Rights Law Clinic, filed an amicus brief in the case. EFF and partners urged the court to rule that Colombia’s legal framework regulating intelligence activity and the surveillance of CAJAR and their families violated a constellation of human rights and forced them to limit their activities, change homes, and go into exile to avoid violence, threats, and harassment. 

Colombia’s intelligence network was behind abusive surveillance practices in violation of the American Convention and did not prevent authorities from unlawfully surveilling, harassing, and attacking CAJAR members, EFF told the court. Even after Colombia enacted a new intelligence law, authorities continued to carry out unlawful communications surveillance against CAJAR members, using an expansive and invasive spying system to target and disrupt the work of not just CAJAR but other human rights defenders and journalists

In examining Colombia’s intelligence law and surveillance actions, the court elaborated on key Inter-American and other international human rights standards, and advanced significant conclusions for the protection of privacy, freedom of expression, and the right to defend human rights. 

The court delved into criteria for intelligence gathering powers, limitations, and controls. It highlighted the need for independent oversight of intelligence activities and effective remedies against arbitrary actions. It also elaborated on standards for the collection, management, and access to personal data held by intelligence agencies, and recognized the protection of informational self-determination by the American Convention.

For more details see: https://www.eff.org/deeplinks/2024/04/historic-victory-human-rights-colombia-inter-american-court-finds-state-agencies