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UN Report warns of transnational reprisals human rights defenders cooperating with the UN

October 1, 2026

People around the world continue to pay a steep price for cooperating with the United Nations on human rights, facing persistent intimidation and reprisals amid disturbing trends in transnational repression and digital surveillance targeting civil society actors, a UN report published on 16 September 2026 finds. The report urges States to refrain from any acts of intimidation and reprisals, ensure accountability for violations and abuses, and protect those who engage with the UN.

The UN Secretary-General’s report on reprisals documents cases involving human rights defenders, victims of human rights violations and abuses, journalists, lawyers and trade unionists who were targeted by State or non-State actors for cooperating, or seeking to cooperate, with the UN on human rights between 1 May 2025 to 30 April 2026. It covers 32 States*.

The report is not meant to be exhaustive, as many victims refrain from reporting violations or abuses for fear of retaliation. Others chose not to have their cases included or agreed to only do so on condition of anonymity, because of the serious risk of further reprisals.

“Speaking up for human rights should never come at the expense of one’s own personal safety and security. Shrinking civic space and increased surveillance online and offline are fuelling a hostile climate that hinders civil society’s cooperation with the UN and its human rights mechanisms,” said Assistant Secretary-General for Human Rights Claudia Fuentes Julio, who leads the UN system’s efforts to address reprisals.  

“No one should be forced to choose between their right to cooperate with the UN and their own safety or that of their families and communities,” she added. “Safeguarding our engagement with civil society is not only fundamental to the rights of individuals; it is also essential to the UN’s ability to fulfil its mandate and respond effectively to the needs of the people it serves.”

The report shows a growing trend of transnational repression, in which civil society actors are targeted beyond the borders of their own countries. Documented acts include arbitrary detention, physical attacks, surveillance, threats, online harassment, movement restrictions, confiscation of passports, and intimidation of family members, affecting at least 43 individuals and four organisations.

Digital technologies are increasingly being used to monitor, intimidate and silence those seeking to engage with international human rights mechanisms, underscoring the urgency of strengthening protections for those engaging with the UN in digital spaces.

Continued misuse of legislation, including counterterrorism, cybercrime and national security laws and regulations, remains a concern. More than half of the States mentioned in the report have applied, enacted or amended laws that criminalized or further restricted core civil society activities.

“It is particularly alarming and entirely unacceptable that young activists, women, environmental defenders and Indigenous Peoples reportedly continue to face heightened risks of being targeted for exercising their rights to engage with the UN and stand up for their communities, lands and environment,” said the Assistant Secretary-General.

The report also documents attempts to obstruct civil society participation in UN fora, including by seeking to block or delay accreditation, as well as harassment of participants on UN premises themselves. It also refers to attacks directed at independent human rights experts – including Special Procedures mandate holders, and the wider chilling effect these actions risk having on individuals and organizations seeking to cooperate with the UN.

At the same time, the Secretary-General’s report highlights important efforts across the United Nations system and by Member States to address these issues. It includes initiatives to support safe and meaningful participation of human rights defenders and other civil society on UN premises and measures to strengthen prevention, protection and accountability for reprisals.

* The 32 States referred to in the report are:

Afghanistan; Algeria; Bahrain; Belarus; Burundi; Cameroon; China; Costa Rica; Democratic Republic of the Congo; Egypt; Equatorial Guinea; France; Germany; Guatemala; Guinea-Bissau; India; Iran (Islamic Republic of); Israel; Lao People’s Democratic Republic; Libya; Nicaragua; Pakistan; Russian Federation; Saudi Arabia; Sri Lanka; South Sudan; Thailand; Turkmenistan; Venezuela (Bolivarian Republic of); Viet Nam; Yemen; State of Palestine.

re Vietnam: Yesterday I posted about a recent case.

see also: https://humanrightsdefenders.blog/2024/03/19/transnational-repression-human-rights-watch-and-other-reports/

https://www.ohchr.org/en/press-releases/2026/09/report-warns-transnational-repression-and-reprisals-against-individuals-and

​​The need to press on with human rights data collection

September 29, 2026

Collecting and disseminating data on transitional justice mechanisms can help lay the foundation for a more just future.

Open Global Rights Logo

In 2024, Transitional Justice Evaluation Tools (TJET), a project Geoff Dancy has co-directed for five years, released a global database of human rights accountability mechanisms dating from 1970 to 2020. The project’s website has attracted tens of thousands of users, many seeking background information on cases of interest or exploring processes used in different contexts. 

But some commentators question the purpose of collecting data on truth, justice, and reparations in the current moment. For instance, according to the Oxford Handbook of Transitional Justice, we have now arrived at the end-times of transitional justice—just like we arrived at the end-times of human rights over a decade ago. If this claim were true, it would raise a good question: what’s the point of gathering data if the liberal world order is unraveling, and faith in the transitional justice project is waning along with it? 

A commitment to prevention, recognition, and accountability

Critical theorists often presume that a neoliberal obsession with standardizing knowledge and decontextualizing political problems drives the collection of human rights data. This is an oversimplification. The TJET team’s values are not tied to a particular method or way of thinking but by three commitments that have formed through decades of community engagement and research.

Our first commitment is to prevent atrocities. Avoiding catastrophic political violence, while not the sole aim of justice, certainly seems like a necessary precondition for a just society. Our second commitment is to recognize and acknowledge survivors of mass violence. This means centering survivors in the processes and outcomes of transitional justice, even at the risk of disagreement and contestation. And our third commitment is to transparently document not only human rights violations but also efforts at human rights accountability.  With these values in mind, we can return to the question: why, during turbulent times, is it important to publish and update an archival database on transitional justice? 

The first reason is preparedness. We may well stand at the end of a pro-accountability era. For instance, our data show a clear decline in the number of human rights criminal prosecutions since 2010. And truth commissions, while still frequently established, seem to be accomplishing less. Now, states seem keen on fighting wars rather than preventing them. While arms transfers occur at their highest rate since 1990, foreign assistance for governance and institution-building is drying up.

However, there is no reason to suspect that these dismaying trends will last forever. Today’s authoritarian regimes are tomorrow’s transitional regimes, and today’s conflict zones are tomorrow’s post-conflict zones. When global conditions shift back from extremism to moderation, a repository of past experiences—including what did or did not work—may be helpful.

The second reason is remembrance. States do their level best to hide, bury, or erase information on human rights violations. The United States, for example, keeps at best unreliable national data on shootings by police, and in 2025, it cut funding to a Yale University team tracking the Russian abduction of Ukrainian children. China is hiding an enormous series of concentration camps in the country’s west, and Israel is concealing extensive torture of Palestinians detained since 2023 under emergency laws. These are just a few instances of contemporary states suppressing knowledge of the human rights abuses they commit. There are many, many more.

At the same time, data on accountability for violations also regularly disappears. For example, truth commission reports are often very difficult to find—sometimes because governments limit access to them and sometimes because they live on outdated websites. Information on prosecutions can be equally difficult to track. Justice ministries often do not publish updated case files, and older news articles on prosecutions disappear from the public record. Efforts at cross-national or comparative data collection fall into disuse or disrepair when deprived of continued support and attention. This is problematic because knowing what has happened—and what is happening—to hold human rights violators accountable for their actions is a public good. Many transitional justice mechanisms represent hard-won achievements for victims and human rights defenders. To forget those efforts, intentionally or unintentionally, is a form of silencing. 

To cite just one example, Sri Lankans discovered a mass grave of Tamils in Chemmani, near Jaffna, in early summer 2025. They expressed their outrage and demanded justice. What many did not realize is that investigators had previously discovered evidence of this mass grave over two decades ago, during the successful prosecution of a soldier who participated in the 1996 gang rape and murder of 18-year-old Krishanthi Koomaraswamy. Memory of this trial, including the soldier’s mention of the mass grave in his confession, was suppressed and largely forgotten. 

Building a better future by learning from experience

This brings us to a third and final reason for collecting and publishing data on transitional justice: meliorism, or openness to the possibility that we can make the future better. Keeping the most extensive possible record of prior attempts at accountability can provide practitioners and advocates with experiences on which to build. Our project is called Transitional Justice Evaluation Tools, but we do not seek to control these tools or define their use in evaluation. Our job is to provide data for any efforts at benchmarking, impact assessment, or comparison. After all, no one can learn from experience without information. That is why all our data are open, transparently sourced, and freely available.

Yes, we may be living in a new era of renewed impunity. However, that does not mean that the demand for truth and accountability or information on transitional justice will suddenly vanish. Unless we answer these demands with a shrug. 

Geoff Dancy is an associate professor of political science at the University of Toronto and a primary investigator on the Transitional Justice Evaluation Tools (TJET) project. He is a methodological pluralist who studies human rights discourse, the International Criminal Court, and the impacts of accountability mechanisms.

https://www.openglobalrights.org/the-need-to-press-on-with-human-rights-data-collection/

New Global Witness figures: At least 124 land and environmental defenders killed globally in 2025

September 21, 2026
  • New Global Witness figures bring the total killed and disappeared since 2012 to 2,375
  • Just two South American countries – Colombia and Brazil – accounted for 52% of the 2025 killings
  • In Asia, defenders are facing a rising tide of criminalisation and intimidation
  • Globally, more than three quarters of those killed were small-scale farmers, Indigenous Peoples or Afro-descendant peoples. Indigenous Peoples accounted for 44 of the killings documented in 2025.
  • Land disputes triggered more than half of the killings documented in 2025

At least 124 land and environmental defenders were killed in 2025, bringing the total documented killings and disappearances since 2012 to 2,375, reveals a new report by Global Witness published on 16 September 2026

Of all killings documented in 2025, 85% took place in Latin America, which has ranked as the world’s deadliest region for environmental defenders every year since Global Witness began publishing its annual report in 2012. Globally, more than three-quarters of those killed were small-scale farmers, Indigenous Peoples or Afro-descendant Peoples. Killings took place across Latin America, Asia and Africa.

Colombia, for the fourth consecutive year, was the world’s deadliest documented country for defenders, with 39 killings, nearly half of whom were Indigenous. The second deadliest was Brazil, where 26 defenders were killed in 2025, more than double the figure from the year before. Other deadly countries included Honduras and the Philippines, which each had 12 documented killings, followed by Mexico with 10 killings and Guatemala with eight.

Land disputes were associated with more than half of the killings documented in 2025. Extractive and commercial interests also continued to feature in attacks against defenders: Mining and extractive industries were linked to 11 killings, logging interests to eight and agribusiness to six. Globally, more than one third of killings were linked to organised crime or hitmen. Actors linked to organised crime were identified as perpetrators in cases across multiple countries.

While documented killings were lower in Asia, the report highlights the widespread criminalisation and intimidation of defenders across the continent. Such criminal allegations, which are often amplified via smear campaigns on social media, aim to discredit environmental defenders, casting them as criminals and instigators rather than a frontline defence.

Communities and collective protection

Across regions, Indigenous Peoples and small-scale farmers were highly targeted. Global Witness documented the killing of 44 Indigenous people in 2025, including seven Indigenous Guards.

The report documents how communities across multiple countries use collective protection mechanisms as part of their long-standing defence of their territories, rights and livelihoods. This includes territorial patrols, early warning systems, community monitoring networks and community capacity building, which are supported by rich cultural and often spiritual practices.

Collective protection recognises that land and environmental defenders are rarely targeted as isolated individuals, and challenges the limitations of an individual and reactive protection approach, as collective protection is mostly preventive and life-affirming.

A harsh global climate

The global policy environment for the protection of human rights and those who defend them was seriously weakened in 2025, as the world saw an increase in authoritarian practices, violent conflict and unregulated corporate power, alongside a crisis in funding for human rights.

The report states that the unprecedented fall in foreign aid seen in 2025 – driven by budget cuts by the governments of the United States, Germany, the United Kingdom and other traditional donors – impacted thousands of human rights organisations, drastically reducing the global pool of support to communities acting in the depths of rainforests and other secluded ecosystems.”

CF https://humanrightsdefenders.blog/2024/09/18/global-witness-2023-2024-annual-report-violent-erasure-of-land-and-environmental-defenders/

https://globalwitness.org/en/press-releases/at-least-124-land-and-environmental-defenders-killed-globally-in-2025

https://www.theguardian.com/world/2026/sep/16/nature-land-defenders-self-defence-murder-organised-crime

https://www.upi.com/Top_News/World-News/2026/09/16/latam-environmental-defensers-killed-worldwide/8411789575699

https://www.globalissues.org/news/2026/09/16/44059

https://www.genocidewatch.com/single-post/latin-america-deadliest-region-for-defenders-in-2025

Thailand: New FIDH report details more than a decade of lèse-majesté abuse

September 4, 2026

A new report published on 2 September 2026 by the International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH) and its member organisation Thai Lawyers for Human Rights (TLHR) sheds light on the severe human rights impacts of the enforcement of Article 112 of Thailand’s Criminal Code (lèse-majesté) since the country’s latest military coup in May 2014.

The report, titled “The unsayable – Q&A on Thailand’s lèse-majesté”, answers 15 frequently asked questions about Article 112 and its implications for human rights, civic space, the media, and democratic development in Thailand.

“The evidence of the serious human rights violation linked to the enforcement of Article 112 is overwhelming and causes great damage to Thailand’s international standing. Reform of Article 112 is long overdue and efforts by Thai civil society to peacefully campaign for such changes should be commended and protected,” said FIDH Vice-President Teppei Ono.

Statistics about lèse-majesté reflect the severity and scope of the human rights violations linked to the enforcement of Article 112. Between May 2014 and July 2026, at least 461 individuals were prosecuted under Article 112, with at least 199 receiving prison sentences. The 10 longest prison sentences imposed under Article 112 averaged approximately 30 years and six months, with the longest sentence reaching 50 years. At least 21 children were prosecuted under Article 112, with the youngest one aged 14.

As of July 2026, 29 individuals remained detained under Article 112. Of these, 12 were detained pending trial or appeal, while the judgments for the remaining 17 had become final. Among those behind bars is prominent pro-democracy activist and human rights lawyer Arnon Nampa, who has accumulated a prison term of over 31 years stemming from 11 lèse-majesté convictions for his speeches and online posts that called for monarchy reform. Three additional lèse-majesté cases remain pending.

At the international level, all the relevant key United Nations (UN) human rights mechanisms have consistently expressed their concerns over various aspects of the enforcement of Article 112 and declared it incompatible with Thailand’s human rights obligations under international law…

FIDH and TLHR call on states to use Thailand’s fourth UPR to raise their concerns over the ongoing abuse of Article 112 and make recommendations to the Thai government to bring this provision into line with international law. FIDH and TLHR also urge Thai authorities to establish a moratorium on new lèse-majesté prosecutions and to immediately release all those who are being deprived of their liberty under Article 112.

The unsayable – Q&A on Thailand’s lese majeste

New UNPO report “Disappearing Peoples and Voices: Enforced Disappearances as a Tool of Repression against Human Rights Defenders

August 25, 2026

On 21 August 2026 UNPO has published a new report, “Disappearing Peoples and Voices: A Look into Enforced Disappearances as a Tool of Repression against Human Rights Defenders and Activists,” examining how enforced disappearances are used to silence political dissent and self-determination movements among unrepresented nations and peoples.

Enforced disappearances rank among the most severe human rights violations. Beyond stripping victims of their rights and freedoms, they function as a deliberate mechanism to silence activism and instil fear within entire communities. By removing activists, community leaders and human rights defenders from public life, these practices restrict communities’ ability to document abuses, advocate for their rights and participate meaningfully in national and international discussions on their future. They also create a chilling effect that discourages others from speaking out or engaging in advocacy for fear of similar reprisals. Yet those responsible for enforced disappearances often face minimal, if any, consequences.

Unrepresented nations and peoples are disproportionately affected by this practice, as their lack of equal representation, political participation, and meaningful access to self-determination leaves them with fewer protections and avenues to address enforced disappearances.

The paper follows two webinars held by the UNPO in commemoration of the International Day of Victims of Enforced Disappearances in 2024 and 2025, and it is part of the organisation’s Compromised Spaces campaign, which has documented how states target activists, journalists, and human rights defenders abroad.

Drawing on testimonies gathered directly from UNPO’s membership, the report examines case studies from seven member communities: the Baloch, Sindh, Ahwazi Arabs, Crimean Tatars, Uyghurs, Tibetans, and Iranian Kurds. While each community’s context is distinct, the analysis identifies recurring patterns across cases, including the use of counter-terrorism and national security pretexts to justify repression, the deliberate concealment of victims’ whereabouts, and the extension of these tactics across borders through transnational repression. The report, in fact, examines how states increasingly extend repressive practices beyond their own borders. Transnational repression can involve digital surveillance, intimidation, threats against family members, illegal deportations, political assassinations, and enforced disappearances. These practices create a situation in which leaving a country does not necessarily provide protection, as activists and diaspora communities may continue to face threats and reprisals abroad.

While enforced disappearances remain a global challenge, unrepresented peoples experience their impact disproportionately, given their limited access to formal channels of recognition and redress. The report underscores that, as methods of repression become increasingly sophisticated, including through the use of digital technologies, the importance of impartial and accessible human rights mechanisms capable of protecting those who are excluded and silenced.

At the same time, the report highlights how greater international awareness and collective action can help amplify the voices of affected communities. The same technologies that facilitate repression can also support the search for disappeared persons, maintain connections across borders, and strengthen advocacy. UNPO’s webinars demonstrate the value of bringing affected communities together to share their experiences, raise awareness, and support one another in seeking greater international attention.

https://unpo.org/disappearing-peoples-and-voices-a-look-into-enforced-disappearances-as-a-tool-of-repression-against-human-rights-defenders-and-activists

see also FIDH:

https://www.fidh.org/en/issues/human-rights-defenders/environmental-defenders-face-growing-threats-endangering-their-lives-right-to-healthy-environment-un-submission

https://www.nationalobserver.com/2026/08/25/opinion/climate-science-human-rights-defence

Major 2019 report on environmental defenders finds 52% of defenders were harassed by companies

August 24, 2026

A 2019 report released today by the Swedish Society for Nature Conservation (SSNC) clearly demonstrates that people who protect the environment and human rights are increasingly being monitored, threatened, harassed – and even murdered. 

The civil society democratic space is shrinking. Since 2012 more than 70 countries have introduced legal restrictions aimed at citizens involved in civil society organisations. The situation has become increasingly dangerous for people fighting for democracy, environmental protection and human rights. People who defend nature are particularly vulnerable.

…The report presents the results of a comprehensive study carried out by the SSNC … based on testimonies given by 25 environmental organisations around the world with whom SSNC collaborate:

• 88 percent … state that the situation for civil society … has deteriorated in recent years.

• 80 percent state that they find it difficult to carry out their activities as planned…

• 24 percent state that employees or individuals from the organisation’s target groups have been killed as a result of their environmental work.

• 52 percent state that they can give examples of when they or their target groups have been harassed or threatened by private companies. 

• 68 percent perceive that decision-makers … regard the environmental movement as a threat.

https://www.business-humanrights.org/my/%E1%80%9E%E1%80%90%E1%80%84/environmental-report-defenders-under-attack-the-threats-facing-people-who-protect-nature

https://www.business-humanrights.org/my/latest-news/major-new-report-on-environmental-defenders-finds-52-of-defenders-were-harassed-by-companies

Annual Report 2025 of the Minorities Rights Group

August 18, 2026

14 August 2026: 2025 brought extreme challenges for those working in international development and human rights. Many long-held values were questioned, and, indeed, rapidly jettisoned by some actors. The US’ rapid international funding shutdown jeopardized the lives and health of millions and ended thousands of vital education, poverty, governance and rights projects. MRG was thankful to escape relatively lightly, though we are affected by increased competition for every other funding source in our sector, and are aware of the grave impacts on many organizations with which we are in partnership or whose work complements our own.

We have welcomed the gathering pace of global social media regulation over the last year, having long highlighted social media’s power to propagate hate, discrimination, violence and polarization. Nevertheless, we have watched with alarm the explosive rise of Artificial Intelligence with its capacity to concoct falsehoods and make decisions with the inherited biases of our societies.

Climate change continues to devastate, with minorities and indigenous peoples often most affected despite contributing least. Renewed drought in Somalia. Intense tropical storms across Asia and the Caribbean. From the DRC to Myanmar, Palestine to Ukraine, conflicts devastating lives and lands. Some states continue to reject or undermine multilateralism, sidelining the UN and failing to pay their dues. Democratic backsliding has become more common than not. The bulwark the UN provided is needed now more than ever, and yet it is now more than ever in question.

This year has shown us just how deeply every struggle is intertwined.

Today’s conflicts will have grave environmental consequences for generations to come, not only where they are fought but across our shared world. Weakened and silenced multilateral institutions will struggle to protect peace in such precarity. History reminds us that when challenging circumstances prevail, those in power will scapegoat those who are different – aided no doubt, by new digital tools.

We are shifting power and funding to the global grassroots. In 2025, we renewed this commitment to localization by refreshing the statutes of our Africa office and beginning work towards new offices in Asia and the Middle East. Subgranting directly to minority and indigenous rights defenders is an evergrowing component of our strategy. We are cultivating new networks and partnerships to achieve louder voices in support of progress. We co-design with communities and influence decisionmakers at the local, national and international levels, to amplify the voices of those who so often go unheard and unheeded.

At MRG we refuse to give up. While seeking maximum impact, we continue to work towards the day our organization is no longer needed.-Claire Thomas, Executive Director, Minority Rights Group

Download the report (PDF, English)

https://minorityrights.org/resources/aa25

https://minorityrights.org/resources/rga-reps

FIDH publishes its somber 2025 annual report

August 3, 2026

Paris, 24 July 2026. “Never in recent years have human rights been attacked with such brutality.” These are the words with which FIDH President Alexis Deswaef opens the editorial that sets the tone for the 2025 activity report.

FIDH brings together nearly 200 human rights organisations from around the world. Despite a global context increasingly hostile to human rights and in the face of rising authoritarianism on every continent, FIDH is stepping up its proactive work through the documentation of violations, advocacy initiatives and strategic litigation, as well as by mobilising its network to support the work of human rights defenders.

Among the notable achievements of 2025, mention may be made of the contribution to:
 the release of 99 human rights defenders, thanks to the joint action of FIDH and its member organisations;
 the recognition by the Inter-American Court of Human Rights of the severity of the crisis in Nicaragua;
 the conviction by French courts, under universal jurisdiction, of a leader of a Syrian armed group;
 the inclusion, for the first time, of human rights in the final texts of COP 30 in Belem.

By filing a complaint against Franco-Israeli soldiers and raising the alarm over the crackdown on the Palestine solidarity movement in France, Germany, the United Kingdom and the United States, FIDH also remained engaged on the situation in Gaza and is committed to a long fight for justice.

In the face of multiple attacks, refusing to give up is what drives the Federation forward. Guided by the same vision for over a century — the absolute universality of human rights — and the conviction that to act is the best way to hope, FIDH will continue to turn warnings into action wherever it can.

Read the full report here.

https://www.fidh.org/en/about-us/What-is-FIDH/

Governments weaponising travel bans to silence dissent

August 1, 2026

On 31 July 2026, Adil Zawahir, Alexandra C Panait and Kulsoom Rizvi published a blog post on their study of how dissidents are stopped from entering or leaving their countries

When we think of state censorship, we often picture prison cells, violent police crackdowns or control of newsrooms. However, our report titled The weaponisation of travel bans to silence speech and dissent published today by Index on Censorship reveals a quieter, less visible tool of state repression that is devastating civil society across the world.

We found that rather than protecting public safety, governments are increasingly manipulating “national security” or “public order” exemptions to trap journalists, fracture families and exile critics. Our research shows that these bans are highly adaptable tools that occur around politically sensitive events such as protests, elections and crackdowns on democratic activity. Their shared, devastating objective is to control narratives, block external scrutiny and create a chilling effect on free expression.

As we researched this topic, we strongly felt that to understand the severity of this crisis, the spotlight must remain entirely on the impacted individuals. The victims of this widespread authoritarian trend pay with their lives and livelihoods being upended by arbitrary and undemocratic measures.

Our analysis highlights that in authoritarian contexts, travel bans act as overt tools of absolute repression. In Saudi Arabia, they function as a form of “quasi-detention”, ensuring that prisoners of conscience remain silenced long after they are physically released from their cells. Take the example of Salma Al-Shehab, a doctoral student at Leeds University, who was imprisoned simply for tweeting in support of women’s rights. Upon her release, she was handed an eight-year travel ban, effectively destroying her academic career by barring her return to the United Kingdom.

Similarly, in Algeria, our research shows how journalists like Mustapha Bendjama find themselves trapped in a bureaucratic nightmare. Extrajudicial travel bans, known as ISTNs, are routinely issued by security agencies without formal judicial oversight, leaving targets in a legal vacuum with no clear avenues for appeal. Bendjama shared with us that this forced isolation acts as a “mental imprisonment” that has dried up his sources and severely compromised his ability to conduct rigorous journalism.

One of our most troubled findings was that the chilling effect of these restrictions extends well beyond authoritarian states, creeping into hybrid democracies. In India, administrative tools like “Look Out Circulars” are deployed to trap critical voices within the country’s borders. Sanna Irshad Mattoo, a Pulitzer Prize-winning photojournalist, was prevented from travelling to New York to accept her award, sending a clear message that international recognition offers no immunity from state retaliation.

In Georgia, foreign journalists who report critically on the country’s democratic backsliding have been arbitrarily denied re-entry at the border using generic legislative clauses. French journalist Clément Giradot was refused entry after reporting on political demonstrations, a decision that suddenly separated him from his home, his Georgian wife and his young child without any concrete legal justification.

It became clear to us that these are not isolated administrative errors. We believe they are part of a coordinated assault on international human rights. Whether it is Nicaragua arbitrarily revoking citizenship to render critics stateless, Belarus forcing exiled dissidents into jeopardy by refusing to renew passports abroad or the United States deploying visa revocations and social media screenings against lawfully present critics, the goal appears to be one: to enforce widespread self-censorship and fear.

The international community can no longer treat these administrative traps as routine border control measures. We urgently recommend taking action. States must do away with these opaque directives, end the use of secondary travel bans as a form of collective punishment against families and align their domestic laws with international human rights standards. Furthermore, democratic host nations must step in to provide secure legal status and alternative travel documents for exiled dissidents while applying sustained diplomatic pressure to demand the lifting of these arbitrary restrictions globally.

Respecting and protecting freedom of speech should not know any ideological boundaries or state borders. With this report, we express our solidarity with the brave ones who raised their voices and with many more who were silenced and never known. While researching and interviewing participants at the front lines of this injustice, we were reminded of the importance of academia’s role as both a sanctuary for freedom of expression and a service to society at large.

JFK Study: At the Frontlines of Environmental Justice: Indigenous Environmental Human Rights Defenders in Latin America

May 1, 2026

Indigenous environmental human rights defenders (IEHRDs) across Latin America face disproportionate levels of violence for protecting land, water, and territory. Of the 146 environmental defenders killed or disappeared in 2024, approximately one-third were Indigenous. This overrepresentation reveals the structural risks faced by Indigenous Peoples at the forefront of environmental defense.

A study by Nefeli Poulopati, Ezihe Chikwere and Paulina Macías Ortega for Kennedy Human Rights Centre published on 30 April 2026 explores who IEHRDs are, the legal protections available to them, the challenges they face, and cases that reflect their ongoing resistance and struggle across Latin America.

The study looks at Legal Frameworks, Violence against IEHRDs, Impacts of Extractivism, and looks Ahead: A Differentiated Approach…

States must adopt an intersectional approach in all measures taken to protect the rights of IEHRDs. A differentiated, preventive, and collective approach to protecting IEHRDs requires applying a gender, ethno-racial, and cultural perspective when determining the level of risk faced by an IEHRD. The ethnic reality of the territory and the traditional ways of Indigenous peoples need to be taken into account when designing protection schemes, to ensure they align with these communities’ practices. The special relationship of Indigenous Peoples to the land reinforces States’ obligation to protect IEDHRs. 

One way to fulfill this obligation is to decide on protective measures for IEHRDs in consultation with Indigenous communities, a practice that is often not followed by States. It is particularly important for governments to consider the heightened risk that IEHRDs face when they oppose development megaprojects. States should adopt the necessary measures to establish or strengthen systems to monitor and control these practices in a manner consistent with their legal obligations. 

However, as the cases above illustrate, formal recognition does not equal protection. Instead, it is the first step to rethink the colonial origins of the extractivist system that perpetuates power imbalances, thereby weakening safeguards at the regional and local levels.

To learn more about this work, visit the Civic Space Case Tracker, which maps leading ongoing judicial cases litigated by local organizations and lawyers in Asia, Africa, and the Americas.