Bert Verstappen – retired from HURIDOCS – wrote the following tribute to a person who – from an intergovernmental position – contributed greatly to the development of the NGO network:
It is with deep sadness that HURIDOCS has to announce the unexpected passing away on 11 February of James Lawson. James had a leading function in the field of information management in the Council of Europe. In addition, he devoted a huge amount of time and energy to HURIDOCS.
James was a visionary who introduced new tools and techniques for human rights information handling to the HURIDOCS network. He was keen to share his enthusiasm for developments in the field of information management that could and should benefit human rights organisations. He was convinced that, in the age of the Internet, librarians continue to play an important role as information sharers.
A major initiative taken by James was the multilingual human rights search engine HuriSearch. He planned HuriSearch as from 1998. HuriSearch provided a singular point of access to information published on over 5’000 websites of human rights organisations worldwide. HuriSearch indexed and crawled about 8 to 10 million web pages. It was publicly available from 2003 until 2016.
James was an active and committed member of the HURIDOCS Continuation Committee – as its Board was called for many years. He served on the CC from 1992 to 2009. He was HURIDOCS Treasurer and as leader of the Task Force on Software Development oversaw the development of HURIDOCS’ tools and techniques.
James was also Coordinator and Chairperson of a large number of meetings of the European Co-ordination Committee on Human Rights Documentation https://www.ecchrd.org/. During these meetings, he introduced advances in technology such as the use of metadata and the eXtended Markup Language XML.
James also provided various trainings on human rights documentation on behalf of HURIDOCS. Among other activities, he trained NGOs preparing evidence for Truth Commission in South Africa and was the main resource person in a training for French-speaking African trainers in Senegal. He also held HURIDOCS trainings with local human rights organisations in Burkina Faso, the DR Congo, Georgia, Ghana, Haiti, Indonesia and other countries.
HURIDOCS thanks James for his engagement and expertise. We wish strength to Hanne and his daughters.
Naw Hser Hser and Maggi Quadrini wrote in the Diplomat of 31 January 2024 how 3 years after the Myanmar coup, women Human Rights Defenders remain at the forefront
Three years have passed since the military coup in Myanmar. Since then, the resistance movement has flourished into an inspired example of people’s power and the defiance of authoritarian forces. In the eyes of the military, the hijacking of the 2020 general election and subsequent coup attempt was an easy conquest. They thought that violence and their long-practiced orders of “shoot to kill” would silence the civil unrest that immediately followed. It soon became clear that the generals gravely underestimated the will of the country’s people, who refused to inherit another era of military rule. The people’s rejection of the junta has been widespread and notable for the prominent role played by women in the revolution against military rule.
While the political, social, and armed aspects of the revolution have shifted, what has remained constant is the unwavering participation and leadership of women who have defied patriarchal systems, including gender stereotypes, and set an unquestionable new standard of what is possible for women and girls in Myanmar.
Women human rights defenders are resisting the military dictatorship in different ways despite the many challenges they face. They remain resilient and unwavering in their quest to see the fall of the junta. During these difficult times, women and girls, especially those from ethnic areas, including the Rohingya as well as those who identify as LGBTQ, have faced more forms of violence, including domestic assaults, sexual violence, rape, being coerced into sex work, and human trafficking.
No reliable justice mechanisms exist in Myanmar that can bring perpetrators to court and ensure accountability. Facing a myriad of barriers that prevent and undermine women’s participation, women human rights activists have defied the patriarchal systems promoted by the Myanmar military, which have been used to influence a culture that does not see women as equals.
Rather than submit to the military junta and its patriarchal dictates, women have increased their participation in various facets of the pro-democracy movement. The women’s rights movement has also become more intersectional than ever. Women from urban and rural backgrounds, different ages, ethnic groups, and religions have united in their shared goal of defeating the Myanmar armed forces, quashing the patriarchy, and ensuring gender equality.
In the immediate aftermath of the coup, many women human rights defenders were forced into exile. Many fled to border areas, their names rapidly reaching the top of the lists of those wanted by the junta. This also put a target on their family members. The threat of unlawful arrest and the possibility of torture and death has taken an immense strain on women fighting the military. Yet they have continued to resist the junta’s tactics of intimidation and terror in pursuit of a gender-equal future for Myanmar that is free from military rule.
Women human rights defenders have refused to adhere to Myanmar’s patriarchal status quo in many ways. This was evident through their strong participation in the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM), where many female majority professions, including garment workers, health care providers, teachers, engineers, police, and even those in the military, quit their jobs following the attempted coup and refused to work for the junta. The Gender Equality Network has estimated that women comprise over 60 percent of frontline protest leaders and roughly 70 to 80 percent of the CDM’s leaders…
Women have been actively involved in resolving the many struggles of this revolution, including in the political, social, and armed arenas. However, there is still a lack of funding support and a lack of recognition within the resistance of women’s roles. There is also a lack of women’s participation in decision-making.
Findings from a new report called “Triple Resistance,” released this month by the Women’s League of Burma (WLB), a community-based organization working on the rights of the country’s women, revealed that despite the risks facing women human rights defenders, including threats to their physical and digital security, they have not been discouraged. On the contrary, they remain committed to seeing an end to military rule – something that is only possible through the participation of women. Of the women interviewed for WLB’s report, nearly 100 percent are involved in humanitarian work, and 50 percent have taken on new roles in the political arena, particularly as federalism becomes more established.
Women-led organizations are driving relief efforts on the ground, particularly in conflict-affected areas of Myanmar. These organizations provide services for victims of gender-based violence, counseling, food kits, and dignity kits, including menstrual care items and materials for expectant or new mothers. In Karenni State, where the capital city is being attacked relentlessly, the Karenni National Women’s Organization is continuing its operations to ensure displaced and vulnerable communities receive urgently needed humanitarian assistance and access to safe houses as gender-based violence rises.
Similarly, in Karen State, the Karen Women’s Organization works with its networks to ensure the swift and secure delivery of aid through cross-border channels effectively and efficiently to meet the needs of displaced groups, the majority of whom are women and children.
In addition, as local leadership across ethnic states and regions in Myanmar adopt federal bodies and institutions, women have participated in leadership capacities and have been central to forming a new federal Myanmar. For example, in Karenni State, women occupy several positions in the Karenni State Consultative Council, the Ta’ang Political Consultative Council, and other locally-driven bodies, as well as in People’s Administration Teams and village administrations.
Women leaders bring decades of experience working with armed actors and rights groups to provide security and protection for their communities. Their leadership must be recognized, encouraged, and accelerated. Without women, there is no sustainable development and consideration of gender perspectives during operations, service provision, or other political developments.
At an international level, governments and donors must understand that knowledge and expertise on locally-led challenges and solutions come from lived experiences and trust, which women and ethnic people can speak to. Global actors must recognize the efforts of women human rights defenders who continue to defy the status quo to ensure that the fall of the military junta will also lead to substantial improvements in gender equality. To do so, they must reinforce their commitment to amplify civil society organizations, including women-led initiatives. This new political space must be supported in order to hold the military junta accountable, at the International Criminal Court, if not in Myanmar itself.
In short, support of gendered programs, and for women’s participation more generally, is an integral part of the struggle against the military junta. Whether on the frontline, in political positions, or the classroom, women make up the substance of the revolution and are gradually carving out a new, progressive Myanmar. They deserve the world’s support.
Kai Ambos in a post on IPS of 23 January 2024 asks: “South Africa is taking Israel to the International Court of Justice. But what are the real chances of a guilty verdict?”
Challenges to freedom of religion and belief and abuses to the human rights of religious minorities are on the rise across the world, with increased violence, harassment, and threats often met with a lack of accountability. They occur against a backdrop of long-standing social, political, economic, and cultural marginalization and exclusion, particularly for those who face intersectional discrimination, such as religious minority women or persons with disabilities.
It is, therefore, vital to support organizations and activists representing these communities who work towards strengthening the rights of minorities of faith and belief and combatting the discrimination, prejudices and persecution these communities experience daily.
What is the course about?
The free, 7-week online course aims to build an understanding of regional and international minority rights mechanisms and ways to implement these rights frameworks at the national and local levels and build the capacity of human rights defenders (HRDs) to advocate for the rights of minorities.
The course will offer opportunities to exchange and collaborate with other HRDs to:
Monitor and report on violations against religious minorities
Raise awareness amongst key stakeholders of the human rights violations, persecution and discrimination these communities face
Campaign from local to international levels to secure commitments from key stakeholders to improve the situation of religious minorities
Train Graduates will also have the opportunity to follow up with access to a Training of Trainers that will give them the opportunity to develop their skills and share the knowledge they learned
Who can apply for this course?
Civil society organizations and activists representing religious minority and indigenous communities from two regions of the world where religious minorities are suffering from serious human rights violations, widespread discrimination and marginalization are welcome to apply.
Applicants from and/or based in the following countries will be prioritized: Bangladesh, Egypt, India, Indonesia, Iraq, Iran, Lebanon, Morocco, Myanmar, Nepal, Pakistan, Sri Lanka, Syria, Thailand, Tunisia.
Basic Concepts in Human Rights and Minority Rights
UN Declaration on the Rights of Persons Belonging to National or Ethnic, Religious and Linguistic Minorities
UN Treaties and Human Rights Mechanisms
Freedom of Religion or Belief (FoRB)
UN Mechanisms to Protect Minorities
Regional Human Rights Systems and Mechanisms
Advocacy Campaigns
To complete the course, participants must submit three written assignments: a briefer, an outline of a shadow report and an advocacy plan.
How many hours a week is the course?
The course will require approximately 3 hours per week for the duration of the course. Your participation will be facilitated by a tutor who will offer mentoring on a one-on-one basis as required. Our tutor is an expert in minority rights and community networking.
During the course we also organize a webinar, which offers a unique opportunity to learn more about the mandate of the UN Special Rapporteurs and engage in a Q&A session with them.
On 22 January 2024, Amnesty International published an interesting piece by Alex, a 31-year-old Romanian activist working at the intersection of human rights, technology and public policy.
Seeking to use her experience and knowledge of tech for political change, Alex applied and was accepted onto the Digital Forensics Fellowship led by the Security Lab at Amnesty Tech. The Digital Forensics Fellowship (DFF) is an opportunity for human rights defenders (HRDs) working at the nexus of human rights and technology and expand their learning.
Here, Alex shares her activism journey and insight into how like-minded human rights defenders can join the fight against spyware:
In the summer of 2022, I watched a recording of Claudio Guarnieri, former Head of the Amnesty Tech Security Lab, presenting about Security Without Borders at the 2016 Chaos Communication Congress. After following the investigations of the Pegasus Project and other projects centring on spyware being used on journalists and human rights defenders, his call to action at the end — “Find a cause and assist others” — resonated with me long after I watched the talk.
Becoming a tech activist
A few days later, Amnesty Tech announced the launch of the Digital Forensics Fellowship (DFF). It was serendipity, and I didn’t question it. At that point, I had already pushed myself to seek out a more political, more involved way to share my knowledge. Not tech for the sake of tech, but tech activism to ensure political change.
Alex is a 31-year-old Romanian activist, working at the intersection of human rights, technology and public policy.
I followed an atypical path for a technologist. Prior to university, I dreamt of being a published fiction author, only to switch to studying industrial automation in college. I spent five years as a developer in the IT industry and two as Chief Technology Officer for an NGO, where I finally found myself using my tech knowledge to support journalists and activists.
My approach to technology, like my approach to art, is informed by political struggles, as well as the questioning of how one can lead a good life. My advocacy for digital rights follows this thread. For me, technology is merely one of many tools at the disposal of humanity, and it should never be a barrier to decent living, nor an oppressive tool for anyone.
Technology is merely one of many tools at the disposal of humanity. It should never be a barrier to decent living, nor an oppressive tool for anyone.
The opportunity offered by the DFF matched my interests and the direction I wanted to take my activism. During the year-long training programme from 2022-2023, the things I learned turned out to be valuable for my advocacy work.
In 2022, the Child Sexual Abuse Regulation was proposed in the EU. I focused on conducting advocacy to make it as clear as possible that losing encrypted communication would make life decidedly worse for everyone in the EU. We ran a campaign to raise awareness of the importance of end-to-end encryption for journalists, activists and people in general. Our communication unfolded under the banner of “you don’t realize how precious encryption is until you’ve lost it”. Apti.ro, the Romanian non-profit organisation that I work with, also participated in the EU-wide campaign, as part of the EDRi coalition. To add fuel to the fire, spyware scandals erupted across the EU. My home country, Romania, borders countries where spyware has been proven to have been used to invade the personal lives of journalists, political opponents of the government and human rights defenders.
The meaning of being a Fellow
The Security Lab provided us with theoretical and practical sessions on digital forensics, while the cohort was a safe, vibrant space to discuss challenges we were facing. We debugged together and discussed awful surveillance technology at length, contributing our own local perspective.
The importance of building cross-border networks of cooperation and solidarity became clear to me during the DFF. I heard stories of struggles from people involved in large and small organizations alike. I am convinced our struggles are intertwined, and we should join forces whenever possible.
Now when I’m working with other activists, I try not to talk of “forensics”. Instead, I talk about keeping ourselves safe, and our conversations private. Often, discussions we have as activists are about caring for a particular part of our lives – our safety when protesting, our confidentiality when organizing, our privacy when convening online. Our devices and data are part of this process, as is our physical body. At the end of the day, digital forensics are just another form of caring for ourselves.
I try to shape discussions about people’s devices similarly to how doctors discuss the symptoms of an illness. The person whose device is at the centre of the discussion is the best judge of the symptoms, and it’s important to never minimize their apprehension. It’s also important to go through the steps of the forensics in a way that allows them to understand what is happening and what the purpose of the procedure is.
I never use a one-size-fits-all approach because the situation of the person who owns a device informs the ways it might be targeted or infected.
The human approach to technology
My work is human-centred and technology-focused and requires care and concentration to achieve meaningful results. For activists interested in working on digital forensics, start by digging deep into the threats you see in your local context. If numerous phishing campaigns are unfolding, dig into network forensics and map out the owners of the domains and the infrastructure.
Secondly, get to know the person you are working with. If they are interested in secure communications, help them gain a better understanding of mobile network-based attacks, as well as suggesting instant messaging apps that preserve the privacy and the security of their users. In time, they will be able to spot “empty words” used to market messaging apps that are not end-to-end encrypted.
Finally, to stay true to the part of me that loves a well-told story, read not only reports of ongoing spyware campaigns, but narrative explorations from people involved. “Pegasus: The Story of the World’s Most Dangerous Spyware” by Laurent Richard and Sandrine Rigaud is a good example that documents both the human and the technical aspects. The Shoot the Messenger podcast, by PRX and Exile Content Studio, is also great as it focuses on Pegasus, starting from the brutal murder of Jamal Khashoggi to the recent infection of the device of journalist and founder of Meduza, Galina Timchenko.
We must continue to do this research, however difficult it may be, and to tell the stories of those impacted by these invasive espionage tactics. Without this work we wouldn’t be making the political progress we’ve seen to stem the development and use of this atrocious technology.
On January 12, 2024, Thomas Antkowiak in Just Security reflects on dangers of HRDs in Mexico and Latin america generally, motivated by the fate of his friends Ricardo and Antonio Díaz Valencia.
…Strategic use of the legal mechanisms—bolstered by the research and financial resources, political leverage, reputations, and media connections of Northern institutions—can be very effective to obtain remedies for victims of rights violations, and even to bring about legal reform and structural change. But the methods are toothless, and even misguided, without partners like Ricardo, the expert local attorneys. Truly, without such counterparts, this kind of human rights project lacks legitimacy. Without sustained connections to the affected communities, it would become just another decree handed down from the ivory tower.
In our isolated and polarized world, virtual meetings may have increased productivity in international lawyering, but they can further insulate us—cutting off deeper engagements to our clients abroad and the communities we hope to work with. In contrast, frontline defenders are fully connected and, of course, face all the risks. Authoritarian governments, criminal organizations, and complicit transnational corporations are all closing in. Can we still sense their peril?
If these human rights advocates are in more jeopardy than ever, so are the human rights themselves. Frontline defenders are the torchbearers of the international human rights movement. As such, they deserve the honors, the funding, and the protection. For the work to continue, we urgently need to do our part: the Global North’s human rights organizations, governments, universities, foundations, and businesses must coordinate to shield and support them.
Certainly, someinstitutions are already doing good work. Where to redouble our efforts? First, let’s ask the defenders themselves what they most need, recalling that their role is primary and their safety paramount. In the case of Mexico, there is almost total impunity for these types of cases. If the cartels, corrupt officials, and their accomplices cannot be held accountable, the killings will continue unabated (and thousands will keep fleeing from the violence to the southern U.S. border). When the defenders’ work becomes too hazardous, asylum must be streamlined—and the opportunity forever preserved. U.S. legislation and political pressure on Mexico play key roles here. So does divestment from colluding transnational corporations.
Every day, I wish that we could have somehow prevented the disappearance of my cherished friend and long-time collaborator. Through various channels, Global Rights Advocacy, other colleagues, and my clinic continue to push the Mexican government to find Ricardo and Antonio, and to prosecute the case. The world cannot afford the loss of another Ricardo, Berta Cáceres, Thulani Maseko. Without such guiding lights, we won’t be marking another 75 years of the international human rights movement.
On 9 January 2024, Global Voices postedan interview with labour rights defender Prak Pheaktra. [This article by Klaing Kimhuoy was originally published by Prachatai, an independent news site in Thailand. An edited version has been republished by Global Voices under a partner content-sharing agreement.]
Despite threats from the Cambodian government, who claim he is damaging the country’s image, 39-year-old Prak Pheaktra, a Cambodian migrant worker-turned-advocate, is striving to help other Cambodian workers facing unfair treatment from their employers.
In 2000, Pheaktra, who is from Pusat province, came to Thailand to find work. His family was facing financial difficulties after the death of his mother, and his father could no longer afford to send him to school. Chasing the promise of better pay and less strenuous work, he decided to come to Thailand.
Pheaktra started out working as a construction worker in Don Mueang province, but he later faced exploitation and abuse from his employer. Once, his employer withheld wages and threatened legal action against him. Having experienced first-hand the unfair treatment and exploitation of migrant workers in Thailand, he became an advocate so he could help other workers get fair treatment in the workplace.
Pheaktra’s dedication led him to become a Khmer-Thai interpreter for the Ministry of Labour of Thailand in from 2018–2019, where he began studying Thai law. After completing his ministry contract, he joined the Labor Rights Promotion Network (LPN) in 2019–2020 as a Complaints Receiving Officer.
Having worked with both government and civil society, he is now working as an independent advocate for migrant workers. He offers assistance to workers dealing with wage issues, pressure from employers, sexual harassment, and other threats — all pro bono. He also uses social media to educate workers on how to legally live and work in Thailand and warn them of exploitation by brokers. He works with NGOs as part of research projects, including one on child exploitation in Phuket and another on labour abuses faced by fishing boat workers.
However, his advocacy has attracted criticism and threats, including from Cambodian officials, who claim he could damage the Cambodian government’s public image. Last February 2023, when he assisted 10 Cambodian workers in Samut Prakan whose employer wasn’t paying them, he faced some questions from the chief of the Labour Attaché Office at the Cambodian Embassy. When he was in Rayong working on another case, he was asked if he knew that what he was doing could affect the public image of the Cambodian government and was threatened with having his passport revoked.
The chief of the Labour Attaché Office threatened to revoke my passport if I continued to engage in activities that negatively impact the public image of the Cambodian government. I said, you can block my passport if you think what I am doing is really wrong. I’m not afraid.
He has also faced threats from Thai officials, who he observed can be biased in favour of employers and accuse him of putting excessive trust in the workers. He gave an example of a particular case he worked on where an inaccurate resolution led to a worker being unfairly blamed.
He suggested the need for greater accuracy within the Ministry of Labour’s processes and expressed frustration at being accused of trusting workers too much. He’s urging a more balanced approach to better serve the rights and interests of migrant workers.
Despite the threats he faces, Phaektra persists. “I love what I’m doing right now, and I will continue to help Cambodian workers no matter what,” he said.
Those who have worked with Phaektra described him as kind and dedicated. Prum Somnang, a Cambodian worker at a plastic bag factory, was assisted by Phaektra after being abruptly dismissed by her Thai employer, citing lack of work. Somnang had worked there for ten years and was laid off along with 40 other workers. Her employer wanted to sue her, she said, because she started a protest against the layoff. At the same time, her visa was expiring in seven days, and she needed to find a new job within the week. Her friend advised her to seek help from Pheatra.
“He’s very kind. He helped me get money back from the employer and even assisted me in finding a new job before my visa expired,” Somnang said…
Pheaktra said that one key concern about the lives of migrant workers in Thailand is the risk of falling victim to scams orchestrated by middlemen or company representatives when filing documents. Pheaktra emphasized the need for workers to take charge of their documentation to prevent such scams.
Looking ahead, Pheaktra expressed a commitment to continue social work aimed at assisting migrant workers. Despite the presence of numerous NGOs and institutions offering help, some workers hesitate to seek assistance directly due to concerns about influential individuals associated with these organizations. Pheaktra sees himself as an advocate for migrant workers, standing by their side and addressing their problems.
7 January 2024 Cyprus Mail reported that a demonstration will be held condemning the attack on the offices of refugee NGO Kisa.
Kisa’s offices were attacked on Friday, when an improvised explosive device went off outside their offices, smashing windows, destroying computers and photocopiers.
In their statement, the protest organisers said: “Kisa and its members have repeatedly received threats of various forms, against which the state authorities have shown unacceptable tolerance, which, together with government policies and their racist and xenophobic rhetoric on immigration issues, have not only allowed but also encouraged racist and fascist attacks against migrants and refugees, as well as their rights defenders, thus fostering fascism in society.”
Issuing a statement after the attack, the international NGO Amnesty International’s Cyprus Research Kondylia Gogou said: “Last night’s violent attack on anti-racist organisation Kisa is despicable and raises serious concerns over the safety of human rights defenders in the country. However, it did not happen in a vacuum. Racist violence is on the rise in Cyprus, and KISA and its volunteers have been the target of repeated threats, verbal attacks, and smear campaigns in connection with their work supporting refugees and migrants and denouncing hate crimes.”
According to Amnesty, authorities in Cyprus must send an unequivocal message that attacks on human rights defenders and NGOs will not be tolerated, and conduct a prompt, thorough, independent, and impartial investigation on the attack on the Kisa’s offices “that prioritises the hypothesis that the attack was related to their human rights and anti-racist work”.
In August and September 2023, racialised people including refugees and migrants were subjected to pogrom-like attacks in Chloraka and Limassol. Previously, in early 2023, racist attacks were carried out in Limassol and in January 2022 attacks were carried out in Chloraka. In 2023, the European Commission against Racism and Intolerance (ECRI) found that the public discourse in the country had become “increasingly xenophobic”.
In December 2020, further to an amendment to the law on associations, KISA was removed from the Registry of Associations, and proceedings for its dissolution were initiated. KISA’s appeal to challenge the decision before the country’s Appeal Court remains pending, and despite its registration as a non-profit company, KISA operates with many obstacles.
After 4.5 years, Isabel de Sola is getting ready to leave her position as Director of the Martin Ennals Foundation by the end of January. The Project Coordinator is envisioned to take over a sub-set of her responsibilities while collaborating with other members of the staff and Jury organizations.
The Award is approaching its 30th anniversary in 2024 – a moment which calls for a celebration of past achievements, as well as for some reflection on the future. The objective of the MEA 30th Anniversary project is to rally the Award’s friends and partners in Geneva to reinforce the message that protecting and bolstering HRDs is fundamental to the realization of UDHR and the HRDs Declaration.
The Martin Ennals Foundation is hiring a Project Coordinator to deliver on the 30th Anniversary project in 2024 and renew the Award for 2025. The Project Coordinator will be at the center of the Award’s activities, providing an essential link between the Board, Jury members, donors, consultants, and partners to the celebration in 2024-2025. An estimated 60% FTE is envisioned for this role, with peak periods at the nominations and Ceremony stages.
The Project Coordinator’s main responsibilities include:
Primary responsibility for the nominations process and coordination of the Jury for the selection of the 2024 Laureate. Maintenance of the Martin Ennals Award nominations database and oversight of the Jury voting process. Preparing and follow-up to Jury meetings – two or three during the year, as necessary.
Primary responsibility for the development and execution of the annual Award Ceremony. Liaises with the Ville de Geneve on a concept for the 2024 Ceremony, a new graphic identity, and the agenda of the event. Oversees organizational aspects of the Ceremony in consultation with the Ville de Geneve and event consultants.
Collaborates with consultants in the development and execution of an Award communication strategy aimed at raising the visibility of the Laureates and celebrating the MEA’s 30 years’ history.
Facilitates conduct of financial and administrative aspects of the Award project, including fundraising and advocacy-related activities together with the heads of departments and the Program Officer.
Supports fundraising for 2024-2025 and donor management, in collaboration with the relevant departments.
Supports the Program Officer in executing an advocacy strategy for MEA Laureates within Geneva-based advocacy and human rights policy development.
Contributes to monitoring and evaluating the 30th anniversary project, and annual narrative reporting for donors.
The Foundation is looking for a versatile and experienced project-manager who is passionate about human rights and rigorous in their planning and management style. The ideal candidate would bring inter alia, the following qualities and skills:
A master’s degree or +8 years of work experience in international relations, sustainable development, human rights, security policy, or related fields.
Familiarity with the international relations, human rights advocacy, and development cooperation ecosystem of Geneva.
Bilingual or professional fluency in both English and French.
A track-record in management of complex projects with many moving pieces. Ability to oversee several service providers and consultants simultaneously. Ability to budget and keep-track of financial aspects of the project.
Event planning experience.
Exposure to fundraising, monitoring and evaluation, or general reporting on projects.
The Project Coordinator will be offered a two-year contract with possibility of renewal.
To apply, please send your CV, a motivation letter, and a 300-word response to the following question to the MEF Board at barbara-lochbihler@gmx.de by February 2nd, 2024 cob:
“For the 30th anniversary celebration of the Award, the Martin Ennals Foundation and the City of Geneva will conduct a call-for-tender to identify a provider who can deliver a new graphic design for the Ceremony. How would you go about this task? Describe the steps you would take, a check-list of important items to consider, or your overall approach.”
Only short-listed candidates will be contacted for an interview in the month of February.
On 29 December 2023 Akram Miknas posted a piece on gdnonline attacking the Nobel Peace Prize. It is not my role to “defend” the Peace Prize, but the misconception underlying much of the piece is such that it is worth putting the record straight:
“Wish it were feasible to revoke the Nobel Peace Prize! Especially when some individuals upon whom this supreme honour is bestowed, show, by their subsequent actions and behaviour, that they are more suited to a ‘prize’ or ‘badge’ of shame associated with war and destruction or violence and bloodshed“
The author then raises the cases of Menachem Begin, Shimon Peres, and Aung San Suu Kyi, who are seen as violators. He could have added others such as Le Duc Tho, de Klerk, Arafat and Kissinger or more recently Abiy Ahmed Ali.
…”These examples make us question the logic of bestowing the Nobel on individuals or groups for peace, when their actions are anything but peaceful! In fact, after having received this honour, they have been involved in terrible acts that have stained them with the blood of their victims.”
…..Indeed, many of these Nobel Peace Prize laureates, are, in reality, perpetrators of war crimes. As far back as 2012 I published a piece ‘Nobel Prize is for Peace not necessarily Human Rights‘ which states that the Prize is a PEACE prize and was in certain cases awarded ‘merely’ because they stopped violating human rights. See: https://www.comminit.com/content/nobel-prize-peace-not-necessarily-human-rights
The author makes the sensible point of asking for a critical reassessment of the award selection process: “One key criterion should be that recipients must refrain from intertwining human rights advocacy with political activities. Failure to adhere to this condition should warrant the withdrawal of the award in the future. This measure ensures that the accolade is granted solely based on an individual’s commitment to human rights without any influence from political affiliations or perspectives.”
The author’s call to “to establish alternative awards that are …specifically designed to champion the causes of the vulnerable. It should recognise individuals who are committed to tirelessly working for peace, justice and the promotion of humane values within societies. These awards should gain appreciation and support from individuals and organisations dedicated to fostering positive change in oppressed communities.” is fine but hardly necessary as there are at least 200 such awards, see: https://www.trueheroesfilms.org/thedigest.
Hans Thoolen on Human Rights Defenders and their awards 