Family members and friends of Julia Chuñil display a banner that reads: “Where is Julia Chuñil?” on the land where she was last seen. Tamara Merino / Global Witness
Global Witness joins organisations around the world in condemning the arrest of Pablo San MartínChuñil, Javier Troncoso Chuñil, Jeannette Troncoso Chuñil, and BermarFlavio Bastías Bastidas, which occurred on 14 January 2026, in the Los Ríos Region, Chile.
Pablo, Javier, and Jeannette are children of Mapuche Indigenous leader and environmental defender JuliaChuñilCatricura, president of the Putreguel Indigenous Community, who has been missing since November 8, 2024, while defending 900 hectares of native forest in the commune of Máfil.
Julia’s disappearance has been internationally denounced as a forced disappearance linked to her struggle for territorial and environmental protection against the advance of large landowners and the forestry sector.
The arrest of Pablo, Javier, Jeannette, and Bermar occurs six months after the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (IACHR) granted precautionary measures in favour of Julia Chuñil, urging the Chilean government to increase efforts to search for her and to share information about such efforts with her family. The arrest also occurred just hours before the family was scheduled to attend the admissibility hearing before the Escazú Committee to present evidence of the State’s non-compliance.
Global Witness Senior US Policy Advisor Javier Garate said: “The arrest of JuliaChuñil’schildren and relativesis to be condemned. Rather than further victimising the family, authorities shouldinsteadfocus onthe main suspectidentifiedby the family and by human rights organisations.…
“This casemust be viewed in the wider Latin Americancontext of systematic violence against environmental defenders,whereat least2,253activists have been killed andorforcibly disappeared between 2012 and 2024.
“We offer solidarity with theChuñilfamilyat this time.The arrestedfamily members should beimmediatelyreleased anda proper independent investigation carried out.”
Global Witnesshas joined organisationscalling for:
The immediate release of Pablo San Martín Chuñil, Javier Troncoso Chuñil, Jeannette Troncoso Chuñil, and Bermar Flavio Bastías Bastidas;
That the Chilean State comply with the IACHR’s and the Escazú Committee’s determinations and protect, rather than criminalise, Julia Chuñil’s relatives;
An impartial, transparent, and effective investigation into Julia Chuñil’s disappearance, focusing on the identified main suspect;
An end to the criminalisation of environmental defenders and Indigenous peoples in Chile and throughout Latin America;
That international human rights bodies monitor this case and ensure due legal process.
The criminalisation of those who defend the land and territories is a crime against humanity and against the planet.
On 15 January 2026 – the third anniversary of the enforced disappearance of Ricardo Lagunes and Antonio Díaz – UN experts demanded immediate answers about the fate and whereabouts of the two Mexican human rights defenders. “Mexican authorities must comply with the State’s international obligations, including by investigating the enforced disappearance, proactively searching for them, determining their fate and whereabouts, and holding perpetrators criminally responsible,” the experts said.
On 15 January 2023, Ricardo Lagunes, a human rights lawyer, and Antonio Díaz, an Indigenous leader, were forcibly disappeared in the state of Colima, Mexico. Their enforced disappearance occurred amid an ongoing dispute over natural resources between the Indigenous community of San Miguel de Aquila, Michoacán, and the Luxembourg-based mining company Ternium (part of the Argentine-Italian Techint Group). They were last seen after attending a community meeting to discuss collective action in response to the human rights impacts of the mining company’s operations.
“Refusing to succumb to despair after their enforced disappearance, the families of Mr Lagunes and Mr Díaz have undertaken a tireless quest for truth and justice over the past three years,” the experts said, noting that the authorities have so far not provided an effective response and that the company concerned has reportedly failed to fully cooperate with ongoing investigations and search activities.
The cases have been registered under the Committee on Enforced Disappearances’ Urgent Actions procedure and benefit from precautionary measures granted by the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights, acknowledging the serious, urgent and irreparable risk faced by the two human rights defenders.
“Enforced disappearances have a chilling effect on human rights defenders, including those advocating for land, natural resources and environment issues, as well as Indigenous leaders, and serve to silence critical voices,” the experts said, urging the Government to ensure that human rights defenders can carry out their work in a safe environment, including by strengthening the protection mechanism for human rights defenders.
In the context of resource-extraction projects, business enterprises have often reportedly sown and exacerbated community divisions, inciting violence among locals with opposing views on the projects and the use of land and natural resources. “The Government must ensure that businesses respect human rights across all their activities pursuant to the UN Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights, including when engaging with human rights defenders and affected communities,” they said.
The experts are in touch with the Government of Mexico and the business concerned in this regard.
As mass repression of protests and dissent dramatically intensifies in Iran amidst an almost complete communications shutdown, the Free Narges Coalition and more than 30 undersigned organisations (including FIDH and OMCT in the framework of the Observatory for the Protection of Humans Rights Defenders) called on 15 January 2026 for urgent and concrete actions to circumvent internet censorship, as well as raising alarm regarding the grave threats to existing and newly-arrested detainees, particularly those jailed for their human rights work, journalism, expression, activism, or peaceful assembly.
Iran is facing one of the most severe periods of repression in its recent history. Protests that began in Tehran’s Grand Bazar on December 28 against the collapse of the national currency grew in size and scope until authorities completely turned off Iran’s internet access to the outside world and began a more severe crackdown on January 8. Shocking images of dead protesters, doctors’ reports of overflowing hospitals and the lethal use of military-grade weapons and live ammunition, and the absence of access for journalists and independent media, have led to desperation of families missing loved ones, as well as grave concerns around the safety of thousands of those injured or detained. Human rights organisations and international media have been able to verify the killing of over 2,500 protesters, including children under the age of 18, and thousands injured, some severely while almost twenty thousand confirmed arrested. With the majority of the killings occurring since 8 January, amid a full-blown digital blackout that has made further verification impossible, current reports estimate the number of killings to be much higher, likely amounting to more than 6,000.
Meanwhile, in official statements, Tehran’s Prosecutor General has described protesters as vandals and threatened they will face moharebe (waging war against God), a charge that is punishable by death under Islamic Penal law. State media have also reported mass arrests of individuals they label as “rioters.”
According to NetBlocks, Iran has now experienced more than 140 hours of near-total internet shutdown since January 8. Such communications blackouts severely restrict access to independent reporting and sharing of essential and life-saving information, and create conditions in which grave human rights violations can be committed with impunity. Prior to the shutdown, human rights defenders and known dissidents both inside and outside of Iran had reported receiving threats, as authorities have attempted to suppress expressions of support for the protests online.
In this context, both recent and long-standing detainees–including human rights defenders, journalists, writers, and artists–face an acute and often overlooked risk. Past patterns in Iran demonstrate that periods of widespread unrest are accompanied by heightened abuses inside detention facilities, where these groups are particularly vulnerable to extrajudicial killing, enforced disappearance, torture, and other forms of ill-treatment. Those held in solitary confinement and denied contact with the outside world are at especially high risk.
Among those recently detained are prominent figures from Iran’s civil society, including Nobel Peace Prize Laureate Narges Mohammadi, Sepideh Gholian, Alieh Motalebzadeh, Javad Alikordi, Hasti Amiri, Pooran Nazemi, and other human rights defenders and journalists. They were violently arrested following the memorial ceremony for lawyer Khosrow Alikordi on 12 December in Mashhad, and have been held in solitary confinement, their whereabouts and condition unknown, for more than one month. Narges Mohammadi has been denied access to legal counsel and contact with her family, apart from a brief phone call on 14 December when she reported severe ill-treatment, including beatings to her head and neck with batons, as well as threats of further violence. On January 6, before the total internet shutdown, journalist and human rights defender Alieh Motalebzadeh, who has been diagnosed with cancer, was able to call her family. Her daughter reported in a video message that she did not sound well, stating that the detainees are under severe pressure. She was released on bail following deterioration of her health on 12 January. The health condition of Pouran Nazemi is reported to be dire while she remains detained. Narges Mohammadi has been hospitalized for three days after her violent arrest and arbitrary detention since 12 December. Due to the ongoing communications blackout, the families and lawyers have not been able to be in contact with them, including to inquire if their 30 day arbitrary detention order has been extended or not.
We, the undersigned organisations, express our deep concern over the escalation of the killing of protesters, as well as the serious risk of arbitrary legal charges, punishable by the death penalty, against those detained. We stress that the lives and safety of those more vulnerable under detention in Iran must not be forgotten. Human rights defenders, journalists, writers, artists, and those prosecuted due their exercise of freedom of assembly and expression are at the forefront of the peaceful struggle for fundamental human rights. They must be protected and immediately and unconditionally released, and we call for immediate actions from the international community to halt the escalating violations of human rights and humanity.
As reports of mass arrests, killings, and widespread violence continue to escalate, we stand in full solidarity with the people of Iran in their legitimate struggle for fundamental freedoms and democratic rights. We urge the international community to take urgent and concrete actions to prevent further loss of life and to ensure that Iran uphold its international human rights obligations, including through:
Immediate and unconditional release of all those jailed in Iran for their peaceful activism or expression, including Nobel Peace Prize Laureate Narges Mohammadi, as well as human rights and women’s rights defenders, civil society activists, journalists, lawyers, writers, artists, representatives of religious and ethnic minorities, environmental and labour defenders, students, and all others detained or at risk for exercising their fundamental rights.
Immediate restoration of full and unrestricted access to internet and telecommunications services, and an end to nationwide information blackouts that censor news reporting, facilitate repression, block the transmission of essential and life-saving communications including for medical personnel, and impede documentation of human rights violations.
Independent, impartial, and transparent investigations into killings, torture, lethal use of force by security agents, enforced disappearances, and other serious human rights violations committed in the context of the ongoing protests, with a view to ensuring accountability in line with international law.
As every hour of inaction increases the risk of irreversible loss of human life and gross violations of human rights. The international community must act urgently to protect the detainees, ensure their safety and rights, and prevent further violations under international law.
50 civil society organizations, urge the UN Human Rights Council to urgently convene a special session to address an unprecedented escalation in mass unlawful killings of protesters, amidst an ongoing internet shutdown imposed since 8 January to conceal grave human rights violations and crimes under international law by Iranian authorities. see:
This is a reminder that nominations for the 2026 Right Livelihood Award are open, and the deadline is January 16, 2026 . They are seeking new nominees for the Award who are leading change-makers in their field. Nominations are fully open to the public; therefore, anyone can nominate an individual or organisation creating change through their innovative and life-changing work. To nominate a candidate (preferably in English, but French and Spanish are also accepted), please submit nominations through our online nominations form. Read more about the Award https://www.trueheroesfilms.org/thedigest/awards/97238E26-A05A-4A7C-8A98-0D267FDDAD59.
The Right Livelihood Award recognizes and supports outstanding individuals and organizations driving social, environmental, and human rights change. Winners receive financial or honorary awards, lifelong access to a global network, and international recognition to amplify their impact and protect their work.
Transnational repression (TNR), the cross-border targeting, intimidation, and harassment of journalists and human rights defenders, is increasingly undermining press freedom and human rights in Europe and beyond. Journalists in exile often remain subjects of sustained threats, surveillance, cyber-attacks, psychological pressure, and harassment long after reaching presumed safety. These tactics are used by authoritarian states to silence dissent, extend their reach beyond borders, and weaken the role of independent media globally. This is demonstrrated in the 18 December 2025 Position Paper written by Katrin Schatz, Journalists-in-Exile Programme Manager,
The European Centre for Press and Media Freedom (ECPMF) stands firmly against any form of repression that endangers journalists in exile and undermines fundamental freedoms. As a Europe-focused organisation, our mandate centres on strengthening press freedom across the continent. Much of our documented experience with transnational repression comes from our support work in Germany, particularly through the Journalists in Exile (JiE) programme, which gives us direct insight into how these threats continue even after relocation. Our analysis, monitoring and advocacy consistently show that current policy frameworks are insufficiently equipped to address the reality of transnational repression.
Transnational Repression targets journalists in exile
Many Journalists in exile remain at risk. ECPMF’s research on transnational repression in Germany from 2025 finds that journalists who fled authoritarian contexts continue to experience threats, intimidation, surveillance and psychological pressure in their host countries. These tactics are part of a broader strategy by autocratising states to control dissent.
ECPMF’s Mapping Media Freedom (MapMF) platform shows exactly this – through the recently initiated category documenting threats against journalists in exile, ongoing surveillance, digital harassment and family members being targeted are reported. However, cases of transnational repression are rarely documented, not because they don’t exist, but because of the extreme sensitivity of the issue: publicity can endanger journalists’ families at home, expose those in exile to additional targeting, and many affected journalists choose or are advised to remain discreet for safety reasons.
Transnational repression threatens press freedom and democratic space
Transnational repression is not only an attack on individual journalists, it is a direct assault on press freedom and democratic spaces globally. However, acknowledging the personal strains of those affected is essential: many journalists in exile face isolation, trauma, financial precarity, and the constant fear that reprisals could reach them or their families, friends, and colleagues.
TNR tactics take place across multiple contexts: through digital harassment, spyware, coordinated smear campaigns, threats to family members, diplomatic pressure, misuse of international legal instruments, or using diaspora networks to intimidate critics abroad. Together, they form a pattern: a systematic effort by authoritarian and autocratising states to suppress independent journalism far beyond their borders. Coupled with the EU’s lack of reaction, this perpetuates cycles of violence and silencing.
By creating a climate of fear among critical voices and disrupting professional and personal safety TNR systematically undermines freedom of expression, independent journalism and the safety of journalists. Journalists in exile play an indispensable role in informing the public through international reporting, providing independent coverage from authoritarian contexts where local journalism is heavily restricted or impossible.
Gaps in policy and protection in the EU
Increasingly restrictive migration and return policies
The EU’s use of “safe country of origin/ third country” frameworks and streamlined return mechanisms risk exposing journalists to environments where they continue facing repression. Recent decisions by the European Council, endorsed by 39 MEPs , including the designation of countries with documented human rights violations, including press freedom violations as “safe” contradicts the very essence of protection that asylum and refugee policies are meant to provide.
The EU-wide list of safe countries will include: Bangladesh, Colombia, Egypt, Kosovo, India, Morocco and Tunisia. ECPMF is highly concerned about the dangerous implications of this policy for journalists and human rights defenders.
Lack of comprehensive frameworks
Current EU instruments still do not provide a systemic approach to TNR. There is no binding definition, no integrated action plan, and no framework that aligns migration policies, human rights obligations, digital safety, and cross-border policing responses to transnational repression. Existing mechanisms remain fragmented, leaving journalists without coherent pathways to protection.
Fragmented national responses
At the EU member state level, responses to TNR are inconsistent. Few governments started to formally acknowledge the threat and explore legal or policy measures, while others lack official recognition and structured responses. Even when awareness exists, protection mechanisms remain fragmented, under-resourced, or inaccessible. Journalists, just as any other person seeking refuge, also face racial discrimination within domestic systems, which can influence how their cases are treated.
Civil society has often stepped in where states have not taken responsibility. In Germany, the Coalition Against Transnational Repression has emerged as a key actor, bringing together human rights and diaspora organisations to push for stronger national policies. At the same time, many institutions and law enforcement bodies lack sufficient knowledge or training to identify transnational repression patterns, assess cross-border threats, or understand the jurisdictional complexities involved. Limited cooperation between migration authorities, police, prosecutors, and security services further weakens effective responses. As a result, national responses remain predominantly reactive rather than preventive, leaving journalists in exile exposed to ongoing risks.
ECPMF’s position and demands
Transnational repression is pervasive and increasingly dangerous. Journalists who have fled oppression continue to face coordinated pressure, digital harassment, legal threats, and physical intimidation across borders. As seen through the experiences of fellows in ECPMF’s Journalists-in-Exile programme, exile does not guarantee safety. Threats often follow them into Europe, leaving them vulnerable even in countries that are supposed to offer protection.
Current human rights and migration policies fall short of addressing the lived realities of journalists in exile and, in some cases, may even increase the risks they face. EU migration policies could force journalists back into the very environments from which they fled, thereby further jeopardizing their safety. This reflects the wider gap in the protection of journalists, where national and EU responses to transnational repression remain inconsistent, under-resourced, and fragmented.
ECPMF calls on the European Union, its member states and international bodies to take the following actions to better protect journalists in exile and combat transnational repression:
Develop and implement comprehensive legal frameworks that recognise the specific cross-border threats faced by journalists in exile, including digital harassment, surveillance, physical attacks, and threats to family members.
Ensure the protection of journalists within migration systems, with clear safeguards against forced returns to countries where they face repression, in line with the international principles of non-refoulement.
Develop and support national and EU-level mechanisms to monitor and respond to transnational repression, including dedicated hotlines, coordinated support services, and legal aid for affected journalists.
Include transnational repression in the EU’s strategic documents and policies for safeguarding democracies and combating disinformation and malicious interference, including the European Democracy Shield and similar documents, to ensure that the protection of those fighting repression is part of a comprehensive approach to preserving our democracies.
Incorporate transnational repression explicitly into EU foreign policy, ensuring that the EU’s human rights policies hold countries accountable for using repressive tactics against journalists in exile, as well as creating a system of sanctions and diplomatic pressure to address perpetrators.
Strengthen cooperation between member states, creating a coherent and coordinated EU response to transnational repression, with particular attention to the intersectional risks faced by journalists, including race, gender, and migration status.
Engage civil society and human rights organisations in the design and implementation of policies related to journalists in exile, ensuring that those who are most affected have a direct role in shaping the response.
This position paper was written by Katrin Schatz, Journalists-in-Exile Programme Manager, with contributions by Basma Mostafa, Journalists-in-Exile Fellow, Edith Bohl, Journalists-in-Exile Programme Officer, and Ena Bavčić, Senior Advocacy and Policy Advisor.
“Art was my existence, my life. Without it, maybe I wouldn’t have survived,” said Kheder Abdulkarim, a Kurdish-Syrian artist based in Germany and former political prisoner, whose work is inspired by his experience of persecution and erasure. He received an honourable mention at the 4th edition of the International Contest for Minority Artists.
The Contest is an initiative organized jointly by UN Human Rights, Freemuse, Minority Rights Group and the City of Geneva. Since 2024, the contest is also supported by the Centre des Arts of the International School of Geneva, the Loterie Romande, as well as by other donors who prefer to remain anonymous.
Each year, the Contest celebrates minority artists whose work bears witness to struggles for dignity, justice and visibility, forming a cornerstone of UN Human Rights’ efforts to uplift artists as human rights defenders.
The 2025 theme — Belonging, Place and Loss — resonated profoundly with artists around the world whose identities have been shaped by displacement, environmental devastation, structural racism, and generational trauma, generating more than 240 submissions this year.
At the award ceremony, UN Deputy High Commissioner for Human Rights, Nada Al-Nashif, reminded the audience of what minority artists reveal to societies.
“Tonight, we celebrate eight minority artists honoured in this edition, the power of art and the vital contribution that minority artists make as they shine a light on human rights struggles across the globe, stories and images that unite and anchor us in a shared humanity,” she said.
Art can be a human rights language, and a catalyst for positive change in societies which may seek to silence minority voices. Claude Cahn, human rights officer at UN Human Rights’ Indigenous Peoples and Minorities Section
For many laureates, art is the only archive that survives war, the only place where memory can remain intact.
Alia Al-Saadi is a Palestinian Syrian dancer and choreographer born a third-generation refugee in Yarmouk Camp, and one of the laureates of the contest’s 4th edition.
Her performances turn the body into an “archive of destruction,” she said, and “a state of psychological numbness, where prolonged exposure to violence renders shock ineffective.”
Abubakar Moaz, a Sudanese visual artist based in Kenya, won honourable mention and said his visual language emerged from conflict in the Blue Nile and exile in Nairobi.
Abdulkarim, imprisoned for nearly six years in the infamous Saydnaya Prison in Damascus, began sculpting there with scraps of vegetable crates. “I lost seven years of my life,” he said. “But I try to produce something from those years, to rebuild them and more.”
Emanoel Saravá, an Afro-Indigenous Brazilian visual and photo-performance artist, winner of an honourable mention, treats water as an archive of Black and peripheral suffering through their project Águas Marginais.
“The waters carry the memory of Black and peripheral communities, but they also bear the scars of environmental racism, climate change and neglect,” Saravá said.
Sead Kazanxhiu, a Roma political artist from Albania and laureate of the 4th edition, rejects narratives that reduce Roma communities to victimhood.
On 5 January 2026 the International Commission of Jurists and many other NGOs issued a joint statement calling on the authorities to immediately terminate the abusive criminal proceedings and drop charges ahead of the 26 Istanbul Heavy Penal Court’s expected final hearing scheduled for 5 to 9 January 2026.
The continued prosecution of the president and 10 executive board members of the Istanbul Bar Association, and the prosecutor’s request for their conviction on terrorism charges are a damning reflection of the troubled state of the rule of law and democratic norms in Turkey.
The prosecutor seeks the criminal conviction of all eleven members of the Bar’s elected leadership – President Prof. İbrahim Özden Kaboğlu, Ahmet Ergin, Bengisu Kadı Çavdar, Ekim Bilen Selimoğlu, Ezgi Şahin Yalvarici, Fırat Epözdemir, Hürrem Sönmez, Mehmedali Barış Beşli, Metin İriz, Rukiye Leyla Süren, and Yelde Koçak Urfa – on the charge of “spreading terrorist propaganda” under Article 7/2 of the Anti-Terrorism Law, solely for issuing a public statement on 21 December 2024 concerning the killing of two journalists in northern Syria and the arrest of journalists and lawyers at a related peaceful protest in Istanbul the day before.
The trial prosecutor’s final opinion confirms and deepens the concerns raised by 56 international organisations in the joint statement of January 2025, condemning the initiation of criminal and civil proceedings against the Bar’s leadership, and in the April 2025 joint statement, which deplored the removal of the elected board and the escalating attacks on lawyers across Turkey. A group of the organisations also submitted a joint amicus curiae brief in which they concluded that the proceedings violate Turkey’s obligations under international human rights law and constitute an unjustified interference with the independence of the legal profession.
A clear misuse of criminal law
In his final opinion, the prosecutor alleges that by referring to the two individuals killed in Syria as journalists and by citing international humanitarian law applicable to the protection of civilians and media workers in conflict zones, the Bar leadership “treated as a war crime” an operation carried out by security forces, thereby intentionally legitimising and disseminating the ultimate separatist aims of the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK). The prosecutor further asserts that describing those killed as journalists “encouraged” membership of the PKK and “made its methods appear legitimate”, amounting to “press and media–based terrorist propaganda” under Article 7/2 of the Anti-Terrorism Law. These allegations, which claim that a lawful, rights-based statement consciously advanced the objectives of an armed organisation, are wholly unfounded and legally unsustainable.
As emphasised in both joint statements in January and April 2025 and the amicus curiae brief in September 2025, the Istanbul Bar Association has a statutory and ethical duty to speak out on violations of human rights and the rule of law. The prosecutor’s position effectively criminalises the Bar Association’s discharge of this duty protected under both domestic law and international human rights law and standards. The prosecutor’s construal of a legitimate exercise of the right to freedom of expression as a terrorism offence amounts to a misuse of criminal law and judicial harassment.
Violations of international standards and the Bar’s statutory mandate
International and regional human rights standards, including the UN Basic Principles on the Role of Lawyers, the Council of Europe Convention for the Protection of the Profession of Lawyer, and consistent jurisprudence of the European Court of Human Rights, affirm that lawyers and their associations must be able to engage in public debate on matters of justice and human rights without fear of reprisals.
Criminalising their exercise of the rights to freedom of expression and association contravenes the provisions of these instruments safeguarding the rights and role of lawyers and their professional organisations, as well as Articles 10 and 11 of the European Convention on Human Rights, Articles 19 and 22 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, and Articles 26, 27 and 33 of the Constitution of Türkiye.
The criminal proceedings strike at the heart of the independence of the legal profession and amount to a misuse of counter-terrorism laws to silence criticism, suppress human rights monitoring, and undermine self-governance of bar associations.
Signatories (in alphabetical order):
Amnesty International
Center of Elaboration and Research on Democracy (CRED)
Council of Bars and Law Societies of Europe (Le Conseil des barreaux européens, CCBE)
Defense Commission of the Barcelona Bar Association (Spain)
Deutscher Anwaltverein (German Bar Association, Germany)
Eşit Haklar İçin İzleme Derneği (Association for Monitoring Equal Rights, Türkiye)
European Association of Lawyers for Democracy and World Human Rights (ELDH)
The European Criminal Bar Association (ECBA)
Fédération des Barreaux d’Europe (European Bars Federation, FBE)
Foundation Day of the Endangered Lawyer
Hak İnsiyatifi Derneği (Rights Initiative Association, Türkiye)
Hakikat Adalet Hafıza Merkezi (Truth Justice Memory Center, Türkiye)
Haldane Society of Socialist Lawyers (UK)
Human Rights Institute of the Brussels Bar (Belgium)
Human Rights Watch
İnsan Hakları Derneği (Human Rights Association, Türkiye)
The International Association of Democratic Lawyers (IADL)
International Bar Association’s Human Rights Institute (IBAHRI)
The International Commission of Jurists (ICJ)
International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH), within the framework of the Observatory for the Protection of Human Rights Defenders
Kaos GL Derneği (Kaos GL Association, Türkiye)
The Law Society of England and Wales (LSEW, UK)
Lawyers for Lawyers (Netherlands)
Lawyers’ Rights Watch Canada (LRWC, Canada)
Lyon Bar Association (France)
National Union of Peoples Lawyers (NUPL, Philippines)
PEN Norway (Norway)
Turkey Litigation Support Project (TLSP, UK)
Türkiye İnsan Hakları Vakfı (Human Rights Foundation of Turkey, Türkiye)
Vereinigung Demokratischer Jurist:innen VDJ (Association of Democratic Jurists, Germany)
World Organisation Against Torture (OMCT), within the framework of the Observatory for the Protection of Human Rights Defenders
then on 9 January 2026 Amnesty stated “The decision to acquit the Istanbul Bar Association leadership of these unfounded charges is welcome news. This case was a clear misuse of criminal law and should never have been brought in the first place.” https://www.amnesty.org/en/latest/news/
Sarah Bireete was arrested on December 30, 2025, after police and military personnel surrounded her home in Kampala. Shortly before her arrest, she posted on X, “My house is under siege by police and army”. As reported by East and Horn of Africa Election Observation Network (E-HORN) on 2 January 2026
The Police Reforms Working Group (PRWG) Kenya has called for the immediate release of Uganda’s human rights lawyer and civil society leader, Dr Sarah Bireete, warning that her detention ahead of the January elections threatens civic space and undermines democratic processes.
The Uganda Police confirmed her arrest in a brief social media post, stating she would be produced in court “in due course”. Police spokesperson Rachel Kawaala described the detention as part of “ongoing operations” but offered no further details.
“Dr Bireete is widely recognised for her unwavering passion for the protection of civil liberties, her lifelong quest for justice, and her steadfast commitment to democracy, a clarion call that has consistently advanced accountable governance across the region,” the Group said.
Bireete currently serves as Executive Director of the Centre for Constitutional Governance (CCG), Chairperson of the East Africa Civil Society Forum (EACSOF), and Chairperson of the Horn of Africa Election Observers Network (E-HORN).
PRWG Kenya described these roles as reflective of her integrity, credibility and long-standing contributions to human rights, electoral integrity and democratic governance.
The group urged Ugandan authorities to respect civil liberties, the rule of law and democratic processes.
“Respect for civil liberties, rule of law and democratic processes is fundamental to ensuring free, fair, and transparent elections,” PRWG Kenya said.
The statement also highlighted that Uganda’s constitution, under Article 23, guarantees that anyone arrested must be promptly informed of the reasons for their detention, a step that has not been followed in Dr Bireete’s case.
Bireete’s arrest follows her recent advocacy for Starlink, a satellite internet service operated by SpaceX, as a safeguard against potential internet shutdowns during the elections.
In a post dated December 23, 2025, she wrote, “Dear Ugandans, are you thinking of ways to navigate internet shutdown during elections? Starlink got you covered.”
As the country approaches general elections on 15 January 2026, UN experts* today warned that the pervasive climate of fear in Uganda, marked by allegations of enforced disappearance, the use of disproportionate force against political opposition supporters, and the intensified suppression of civil society and independent media, is not conducive to peaceful elections.
This opportunity allows human rights defenders to develop their projects and take part in an academic and cultural exchange in a safe space. Apply before January 21. Are you a human rights defender from a country in the Global South who must carry out your work in an emergency or high-risk context? Our fellowship program could offer you a calm and safe space to work; provide you with the opportunity to build bonds of solidarity and companionship; and exchange knowledge with our researchers on tools and strategies for action-oriented research.
We are looking for people with different profiles:
Those who come from an emergency or high-risk context. An emergency or high-risk context may include any of the following:
The country/city where the fellow works is experiencing armed conflict, civil unrest, or is under an authoritarian government with an imminent threat to the individual security of the candidate.
The fellow and/or their organization has been the target of threats, intimidation, or populist propaganda that poses a risk to their human rights defense work or to their family’s safety.
The fellow or their organization has been excluded from funding due to government or private sector influence, or has been subjected to pressure aimed at obstructing the work of the individual/organization.
Those who are at risk of burnout and are seeking a quiet place to continue working on human rights issues, but in a different context.
Those who belong to human rights organizations in the Global South and wish to engage in exchanges and joint research or advocacy work with Dejusticia.
Those who intend to build long-term relationships with other fellows and with Dejusticia. This ensures that our fellowships function as accelerating nodes for connections that will make the human rights movement more coordinated and generate greater impact.
What will fellows receive from Dejusticia?
Dejusticia will cover travel expenses (visa, airfare) and provide a monthly stipend based on the fellow’s profile and experience. While Dejusticia will provide initial support at the beginning of the process—including, during the first two weeks of work, a training space on amphibious research and on Dejusticia’s work—it is important to note that selected fellows will be responsible for managing their stipend to cover their housing, transportation, and food needs.
What will be the commitments of fellows from the Global South?
The fellow will allocate their time at Dejusticia as follows:
65% to develop and implement work associated with a broader project of the host area/line.
25% to continue supporting the work of their home organization remotely.
10% to develop at least one blog post reflecting on their experience or work, to be published on Dejusticia’s Global Blog.
How to apply to the fellowship program
The call will be open until January 21, 2026
Dejusticia will cover travel expenses (visa, airfare) and provide a monthly stipend based on the fellow’s profile and experience. While Dejusticia will provide initial support at the beginning of the process, it is important to note that selected fellows will be responsible for managing their stipend to cover housing, transportation, and food needs. The program also includes one week of in-person training at Dejusticia on action-oriented research tools, writing, among others, as well as an organizational induction.
Are you a human rights defender working on democratic backsliding and/or racial justice, keen to use the UN to push for change at home? If so, apply for the 2026 edition of ISHR’s flagship training, the Human Rights Defender Advocacy Programme (HRDAP)!
After a successful edition in 2025, ISHR is pleased to launch the new call for applications for the 2026 Human Rights Defender Advocacy Programme (HRDAP26), which will take place both remotely and in Geneva and will be focused on thematic and context area! Below are some important dates to consider before applying:
Mandatory distance learning course: 13 April – 8 June 2026 (part time)
In-person course in Geneva: 10- 20 June 2026 (full time)
Deadline to apply: 15 January 2026, midnight CET (Geneva Time)
Programme description with all related information can be downloaded here.
For the last 10 years, this flagship training has equipped human rights defenders with the knowledge and skills to integrate the UN human rights system into their existing work at the national level in a strategic manner.
Following an external review of the programme in 2024, as well as to maximise impact and enhance follow-up, for 2026 the HRDAP selection criteria are evolving: they are based on 2 themes focused on context area and thematic advocacy, according to ISHR’ strategic priorities and opportunities at the UN: democratic backsliding and racial justice. The HRDAP themes will change annually (see the criteria below and the programme description for more details).[see: https://humanrightsdefenders.blog/2024/11/27/ishrs-training-for-human-rights-defenders-2025/]
12 participants will be selected for the 2026 edition of HRDAP.
What are HRDAP objectives?
By participating in the programme, defenders will:
gain knowledge and tools, which they can use to ensure their voice is central in international human rights decision-making
explore and compare the benefits of engagement with the Human Rights Council, the Special Procedures, the OHCHR, the Universal Periodic Review and the Treaty Bodies, and examine how they can use them to bolster their work at the national level
develop networks, strategies and advocacy techniques to increase the potential of their national and regional advocacy work.
How is HRDAP organised?
HRDAP topics
Defenders will complete a 10-week hybrid learning programme through a participatory approach, which will include:
accessing the HRDAP Platform, where they can complete e-learning courses on each key UN human rights mechanism and on advocacy strategies, and access interactive learning materials and case studies on the ISHR Academy
taking part in live Q&A sessions with human rights experts
receiving continuous advocacy support and personalised coaching in order to develop concrete advocacy objectives to make strategic use of the international human rights system
building networks around the world, and learning from peers from a range of regions working on a range of human rights issues
applying their knowledge to case-studies scenarios and enhancing their advocacy toolbox according to their specific needs
receiving support and advocacy accompaniment to conduct activities during the 62nd and 63rd Human Rights Council sessions and other relevant opportunities.
Participants will have the unique opportunity to apply their knowledge and skills while being in Geneva as well as to meet and share with their peers and experts. The blended format of the course allows defenders to continue their vital work on the ground, while diving into the inner workings of each key UN human rights mechanism and gaining first-hand experience from advocates and UN staff on how civil society can strategically engage in the international human rights space.
What are the criteria and themes for selection?
This programme is directed at experienced human rights defenders working in non-governmental organisations, with existing advocacy experience at the national level and some prior knowledge of the international human rights system. In 2026, we will select human rights defenders working on democratic backsliding and racial justice.
Defenders working in contexts of democratic backsliding
This theme is for human rights defenders working in democratic countries where authoritarian practices are gaining ground.
We particularly welcome applications from defenders who are:
pushing back against repressive laws, attacks on free expression, or restrictions on the freedom of peaceful assembly and association
documenting abuses linked to police and military violence, arbitrary arrests, surveillance, or harassment
fighting for justice, transparency, and the rule of law, and refusing to let democratic institutions be dismantled without accountability.
Defenders working on racial justice
This thematic is for defenders working to dismantle systemic racism and build societies rooted in equality and dignity. We will select applications from defenders focusing on anti-racism, exclusion and police violence, including anti-Black racism as experienced through legacies of colonialism and the Transatlantic Trade in Enslaved Africans, Indigenous (including Afro-Indigenous) communities working on historical injustice and reparations, as well as defenders of migrants and asylum seekers. We also welcome applications from mothers working for accountability for their children, victims of police violence.
Hans Thoolen on Human Rights Defenders and their awards 