Posts Tagged ‘Middle East’

Results of the 61st Human Rights Council as seen by NGOs

April 19, 2026

At the 61st Human Rights Council session, civil society organisations shared reflections on key outcomes and highlighted gaps in addressing crucial issues and situations.

On the ‘Urgent debate to discuss the recent military aggression launched by the Islamic Republic of Iran against Bahrain, Jordan, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, and the United Arab Emirates on 28 February 2026′ and the ‘Urgent debate to discuss the Protection of Children and Educational Institutions in International Armed Conflicts: The Aerial Attacks on Shajareh Tayyebeh Girls’ School in Minab, Iran, as a Grave Breach of International Humanitarian Law and International Human Rights Law’, we urge the Council to consistently expose violations by all parties, demand accountability for all violations of international law.

This is essential for atrocity prevention, preserving the Council’s legitimacy and the universal application of human rights. The Council must avoid one-sided framing, adopt a comprehensive, non-selective approach to the conflict and apply objective criteria to all situations and address their root causes, regardless of the perpetrator. One dimension of violence cannot be addressed while silence is maintained on its causes and broader context. The military attacks by the US and Israel across the region are not isolated events, but interconnected acts rooted in a decades-long history of impunity, from the US invasion of Iraq twenty-three years ago, to Israel’s genocide against the Palestinian people and air strikes in Lebanon.

As regional hostilities have escalated rapidly across the Middle East and threaten to escalate further, we urgently call for all parties to protect civilians and adhere to international law. This includes ending unlawful attacks, such as deliberate, indiscriminate or disproportionate attacks that harm civilians and civilian infrastructure.

In Iran, people face the dual risk of further atrocities at the hands of the authorities, who have shut off internet and communications channels and threatened further massacres of anyone who dares to voice dissent, and U.S. and Israeli strikes on civilians including on Shajareh Tayyebeh Girls’ School in Minab, constituting violations of international humanitarian law.

Iranian strikes have resulted in at least 11 civilian deaths and 268 injuries in  Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries, with the majority of victims being migrant workers. Iran has struck civilian residential buildings, and civilian airports and unlawfully targeted civilian objects such as financial centres. These are violations of international humanitarian law.

In some GCC countries, current hostilities are being used as the opportunity to further crack down on any dissenting voices no matter how peaceful it is. We urge the GCC States not to use the conflict to further silence protected speech.

At a time where the UN Secretary-General has warned of an ‘imminent financial collapse’, as Member States continue to withhold or delay their contributions, the increase in military spending should instead be invested in improving people’s lives through securing their human rights, which – as the UN Charter recognises – are a precondition for peace. As of 30 March, only 97 Member States have paid their regular budget contributions for 2026, leaving the UN unable to function effectively. The US alone owes USD 2.19 billion to the UN’s regular budget, accounting for more than 95 percent of the current shortfall.

Special Procedures have been strongly affected by the UN funding crisis. We caution States that making short-sighted adjustments may lead to longer-term gaps in protection and normative developments. We advise against blanket reductions in Special Procedures’ reporting to the UN General Assembly, and emphasise that any changes should be mandate-specific, in meaningful consultation with all stakeholders, particularly affected communities and mandate holders, provide clear and transparent justification for proposals through a case-by-case analysis and an assessment of the foreseeable gains and losses, as well as the impact on the political visibility of the issues concerned…

We welcome the resolution to extend the mandate of the Special Rapporteur on the right to freedom of opinion and expression. For over thirty years, the mandate has played an essential role in the promotion and protection of the right to freedom of expression and been a force in the development of progressive international human rights standards.

TWe regret, however, that the resolution decreases the annual reporting to the General Assembly. The General Assembly is an important space to continue supporting the realisation of economic, social and cultural rights, including the right to adequate housing and we hope this is reconsidered in the next renewal. We also call on States to consider incorporating the Guiding Principles on Resettlement presented during this session.

We welcome the resolution to extend the mandate of the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights defenders for three years. See https://humanrightsdefenders.blog/2026/03/10/andrea-bolanos-vargas-next-special-rapporteur-on-human-rights-defenders/

We also welcome the inclusion of the paragraph noting civil society initiatives to mark the twenty-fifth anniversary of the Declaration on Human Rights Defenders, in particular the Declaration +25, as well as the language on reprisals against mandate holders, situations of armed conflict and occupation and funding cuts having delivered a series of shocks to the human rights defender ecosystem and its ability to provide protection.

We regret that one report by the SR to the General Assembly was removed given the current context of increased risks and attacks on human rights defenders and shrinking civic space, there is a need to demonstrate support to defenders and maintain annual reporting to the General Assembly. The General Assembly is an important space to build political awareness, understanding and support for the work of defenders.

We welcome the joint statement delivered by Albania, on behalf of Albania, Chile, Kenya, Kyrgyzstan and the Netherlands, and endorsed by 91 States, renewing political commitment to defend human rights multilateralism.

We welcome the adoption of a new resolution on the human rights situation in Belarus, renewing the mandates of both the Special Rapporteur and the Group of Independent Experts. The resolution rightly reflects the continued deterioration of the human rights situation in the country, including the persistence of grave violations and the growing use of transnational repression against Belarusians forced into exile. It also continues to draw welcome attention to the complementary process underway at the ILO under Article 33.

We welcome the resolution on Myanmar which unequivocally condemns the Myanmar military’s attempts to legitimise its coup attempt in February 2021 through the unilateral convening of elections that were neither free nor fair nor inclusive. The resolution crucially recognised that, as the military orchestrated the elections in limited geographical territories under its control, it continued airstrikes and violence, resulting in the deaths and injuries of hundreds of civilians and stepped up political imprisonment, including of individuals who criticised these so-called elections.

Human Rights Council resolutions on the occupied Palestinian territory (OPT) should adopt a rights-based approach and be implemented to ensure justice and reparations for the Palestinian people. The Council should address the situation in the context of the root causes, including colonial-apartheid and Israel’s ongoing forced displacement and transfer of the Palestinian people.

We reiterate our solidarity with with Palestinian organisations and human rights defenders worldwide working to uphold international law in the face of Israel’s genocide and colonial apartheid against the Palestinian people. States that continue to provide military, economic, and political support to Israel, while  suppressing fundamental freedoms, as well as attacking independent courts and experts, and defunding humanitarian aid (UNRWA), may be complicit in the commission of international crimes.

The extension of the mandate of the Commission on Human Rights in South Sudan (CHRSS) is an important step, but continued and stronger action remains needed as rising violence, inflammatory rhetoric, and ethnic mobilisation increase the risk of a return to large-scale conflict and mass atrocities. The Council, alongside regional actors, should maintain close scrutiny, press South Sudanese parties to resume dialogue, and advance accountability, including through establishing the long-delayed Hybrid Court for South Sudan, as essential steps to protect civilians, break cycles of impunity, and promote sustainable peace. As concerns continue to mount over South Sudan’s relapse into civil war, the Council must keep all options on the table, including convening a special session on the country.

We welcome the full renewal of Syria Commission of Inquiry’s mandate as originally established in 2011, thereby reaffirming that the fact finding and reporting mandate has remained unchanged in scope and fully independent in its implementation, notwithstanding its consideration under Item 2.

We welcome the inclusion of functions to provide advice, insofar as it contributes to ensuring Syria’s compliance with its obligations under international human rights law, in a way that does not constrain the Commission’s core investigative and reporting functions. We stress concern at the potential review in 2027, reiterating the need for any review to be based on objective criteria on the human rights situation and sustained dialogue with Syrian human rights organisations.

We welcome the adoption of a new resolution on Ukraine, renewing the mandate of the Independent International Commission of Inquiry at a time when the need for accountability remains immense. The resolution also gives welcome attention to the grave situation of children in occupied territories, as Russia continues its campaign of forced ‘russification’, indoctrination and militarisation, alongside broader efforts to erase Ukrainian identity.

In his global update, the High Commissioner once more ‘regret the lack of follow-up by the authorities on previous recommendations and on accountability, to protect the rights of Uyghurs and other Muslim minorities in Xinjiang, and of Tibetans in their regions.’ More than two years since the OHCHR’s August 2022 Xinjiang report found China to be responsible for possible international crimes, including crimes against humanity, the report’s recommendations remain unaddressed and violations unabated.

Since, UN human rights bodies have further documented widespread and systematic human rights violations across China, including through the CERD’s adoption of an Early Warning and Urgent Decision, and Special Procedures findings that Uyghur forced labour may amount to forcible transfer and/or enslavement as a crime against humanity. This Council should urgently address its selective impunity on China and adopt a resolution establishing a monitoring and reporting mechanism in line with long-standing calls by Special Procedures.

In light of the human rights crisis in Ethiopia, the stalled transitional justice process, violence in several regions, especially in Amhara and Oromia, and mounting risks of a regional conflict with Eritrea, the Council should urgently strengthen its response by reinstating the International Commission of Human Rights Experts on Ethiopia (ICHREE) or establishing a new independent mechanism. At a time of growing instability across the Horn of Africa, and as grievances stemming from the 2020-2022 war are unresolved, stronger Council action is essential to ensure scrutiny, deter further abuses, and help prevent a regional escalation with devastating consequences for civilians.

The situation in Libya was not sufficiently addressed during this session, despite clear evidence that two years of technical assistance under resolution 56/16 have failed to deliver tangible progress on accountability. While Libya’s UPR outcome was adopted, the authorities rejected a significant number of key recommendations, including those on abolishing the death penalty and establishing a moratorium on executions, ending abuses against migrants and refugees, and closing detention centres associated with torture and killings.

Recent developments, including the arbitrary arrest and continued prosecution of civil society activist Al‑Mahdi Abdel Ati and persistent reports of torture and abuse in detention facilities housing migrants and refugees, demonstrate that arbitrary detention, enforced disappearances, torture, repression of civil society, and serious violations against migrants and refugees persist. These ongoing failures underscore the urgent need for stronger scrutiny and engagement from the Council.

We regret that both the High Commissioner for Human Rights and States refused to heed the civil society call that followed widespread violations in relation to the post-October 2025 election protests in Tanzania. NGOs had urged the Council to act on Tanzania’s crackdown, calling for a public briefing by the High Commissioner, followed by a debate. Despite reports of hundreds killed, a continuing crackdown on dissent, and serious concerns about the credibility of the national commission of inquiry, no multilateral action followed. The Council should find ways to increase pressure on national authorities, including to ensure genuine accountability for violations.

We are concerned about the deteriorating human rights situation and erosion of the rule of law in the United States, as well as its commission of, or complicity in, grave violations abroad, including in Venezuela, Palestine, Iran, the Caribbean and Pacific. The Trump Administration’s refusal to participate in the UPR undermines a core accountability mechanism and should be condemned by the Council. To prevent a wider erosion of engagement, and in light of extensive evidence of violations at home and abroad, we urge increased monitoring, reporting and scrutiny of the U.S. by Special Procedures and the High Commissioner.

In occupied Western Sahara, civic space remains severely restricted where defenders and journalists, in particular youth, face arbitrary detention, violations of fair trial, ill-treatment, intimidation and reprisals due to their peaceful advocacy for self-determination. The Council should ensure unhindered access for OHCHR and Special Procedures to Western Sahara, urge Morocco to guarantee rights of freedom of expression, peaceful assembly, and association including by releasing all individuals arbitrarily detained and upholding fair trial standards, and ending reprisals, against Saharawi defenders advocating for self-determination.

Signatories:

  1. Accion Antirracista (RacismoMX)
  2. Addameer for Prisoner Support and Human Rights Association
  3. Al-Haq
  4. Cairo Institute for Human Rights Studies
  5. Casa Marielle Franco Brasil 
  6. Centro de Estudios Legales y Sociales (CELS)
  7. CIVICUS 
  8. Coalizão Negra por Direitos (Brazil)
  9. Egyptian Initiative for Personal Rights (EIPR) 
  10. Europe Brazil Office
  11. Asian Forum for Human Rights and Development (FORUM-ASIA)
  12. Geledes – Instituto da Mulher Negra 
  13. Gulf Centre for Human Rights
  14. Hivos
  15. Humanists International
  16. ILGA World
  17. Instituto Brasileiro de Direitos Humanos
  18. Instituto Decodifica
  19. Instituto Liberdade e Emancipação – ILÊ
  20. International Service for Human Rights (ISHR)
  21. Rede de Mulheres Negras de Pernambuco
  22. World Organisation Against Torture (OMCT) 

https://ishr.ch/latest-updates/hrc61-civil-society-presents-key-takeaways-from-the-session

https://www.icj.org/the-un-human-rights-council-makes-significant-but-limited-progress-in-addressing-human-rights-around-the-world-as-atrocities-multiply-in-the-middle-east-and-elsewhere/

Risks for Human Rights Defenders amid war in the Middle East

March 10, 2026

On 5 March 2026, Front Line Defenders expressed deep concern over the escalating hostilities across the Middle East and their devastating impact on civilians following US and Israeli air strikes on Iran and subsequent retaliatory strikes by Iran against Israel and several Gulf states. In line with our mandate, we are particularly alarmed by the heightened risks faced by human rights defenders across the region, including those arbitrarily detained for their peaceful human rights work…

Human rights defenders deprived of liberty are particularly vulnerable in such contexts. During periods of conflict, detained defenders may face increased risks of ill-treatment while access to medical care, family contact, legal representation, and independent monitoring may become further restricted. The risk of such violations increases if hostilities occur in close proximity to detention facilities.

Woman human rights defender and Nobel Peace Laureate Narges Mohammadi, currently detained in Zanjan prison, reported severe explosions in close proximity following airstrikes. Golrokh Iraee, Sepideh Gholian, Shima Ghooseh, Sharifeh Mohammadi, Serveh Mohammadi, Mohammad Najafi, Mohammad Reza Faghihi, Reza Khandan, Ahmadreza Haeri, Taher Naghavi, Seyed Mehdi Karimi Farsi, Javad Alikordi, Abolfazl Ranjbari, Hashem Khastar, and Masoud Farhikhteh remain exposed to airstrikes. Their access to basic human needs are further restricted while detained in Tehran, Mashhad, Gilan, and other provinces.

Human rights groups are expressing concern over the deteriorating situation in Evin prison in Iran, where many human rights defenders are currently detained. Based on reports these groups have received from prisoners “the Security Ward 209 has been evacuated” and “anti-riot forces are stationed in the surrounding buildings.” Food distribution has reportedly also been disrupted. On the evening of 2 March 2026, the Israeli military forces reportedly issued an urgent evacuation order to people in the Evin neighbourhood. On 23 June 2025, during the twelve-day Israel-Iran conflict, Israeli forces attacked the Evin compound and Evin prison. Prisoners, including human rights defenders, were evacuated from the prison following the attacks. Iranian officials reported over 70 people killed from this attack on the Evin compound..

In Bahrain, there have been reports of strikes only kilometres from Jau prison where human rights defender Abdulhadi Al-Khawaja continues to serve a life sentence for his peaceful human rights work alongside fellow human rights defender Dr Abduljalil Al-Singace. Front Line Defenders is also concerned over reports of arrests of defenders linked to anti-war protests in Bahrain and calls on the authorities to respect the rights to freedom of expression and peaceful assembly.

All parties to the conflict must uphold their obligations under international human rights and humanitarian law, including the protection of civilians and those deprived of liberty. Hospitals, schools, and other sites protected under international humanitarian law, where human rights defenders and other civilians carry out essential work and provide humanitarian assistance, must not be targeted. Authorities should also immediately release detained human rights defenders and ensure they have access to adequate healthcare, contact with family members and legal counsel, and independent monitoring.

Front Line Defenders call on the international community, states, and multilateral organisations to remain attentive to the situation of human rights defenders in the region, raise protection concerns with the relevant authorities and provide concrete support and protection measures for human rights defenders at risk, if necessary through support with temporary relocation and emergency visa support.

Front Line Defenders stands in solidarity with human rights defenders across the region who continue their work under extremely difficult and dangerous circumstances.

https://www.frontlinedefenders.org/en/statement-report/heightened-risks-human-rights-defenders-amid-escalating-hostilities-middle-east

Nobel laureates blast death of Iranian Somayeh Rashidi in prison as ‘state murder’

September 30, 2025

The death of a female Iranian political prisoner in hospital following a series of seizures has sparked outrage from Iran’s two Nobel laureates and right groups who have labeled her death a state-sponsored murder. Somayeh Rashidi died after several days in hospital following her transfer from Qarchak Prison near Tehran, Iran’s judiciary-affiliated Mizan news agency reported on Thursday.

Rashidi, born in 1983, was detained in April for allegedly writing anti-government graffiti slogans in Tehran’s Javadieh district.

Nobel Peace laureates Narges Mohammadi condemned her death in custody, describing it as part of a pattern of abuse in detention. “This devastating loss of Somayeh Rashidi is not an accident but the result of a systematic policy of neglect and cruelty inside Iranian prisons,” Mohammadi said in a post on X.

Rights groups and activists including Nobel laureate Shirin Ebadi had previously raised alarm about Rashidi’s deteriorating condition, highlighting her urgent need for medical attention.

Iran International reported earlier this month that Rashidi’s condition had severely declined, with doctors holding little hope for her recovery.

Iranian rapper Toomaj Salehi, who faced a death sentence and torture in prison but was ultimately released, called Rashidi’s death a deliberate act to suppress dissent. “Such deliberate disregard for political prisoners is an example of silent, systematic suppression and elimination of dissenters. Why should anyone be arrested for graffiti?” Salehi posted on X. [see also: https://humanrightsdefenders.blog/2024/05/25/vaclav-havel-international-prize-for-creative-dissent-2024-goes-to-iranian-hip-hop-artist-uyghur-poet-and-venezuelan-pianist/]

Former political prisoner and women’s rights defender Hasti Amiri said Rashidi’s case showed deliberate neglect.

Sources speaking anonymously to Iran International alleged that security officials pressured Rashidi’s family to describe her hospitalization as a suicide attempt, intensifying accusations of a cover-up.

Qarchak deaths mount

Human rights groups including the Norway-based Iran Human Rights (IHR) have publicly called for the closure of Qarchak, describing it as “one of the darkest symbols of systematic human rights violations in the Islamic Republic.” Rashidi death comes less than a week after another prisoner, Maryam Shahraki, died in Qarchak last Friday. According to Norway-based rights group Hengaw Organizattion, three women have already died in this facility this year due to lack of adequate medical care — Jamileh Azizi on September 19, Shahraki on September 13, and Farzaneh Bijanipour on Januar

https://www.iranintl.com/en/202509253807

Palestinian Human Rights Defender Awdah Hathaleen killed by Israeli Settler

August 4, 2025

“Despite it all, I hold onto a small hope—that the future might bring justice, that our voices will eventually be heard, and that one day I can celebrate my birthday again, in peace, with the people I love, free from fear and loss.”  – Awdah Hathaleen, April 2025 Photo by: Emily Glick

An Israeli settler shot dead a Palestinian teacher who helped film Oscar-winning documentary No Other Land, according to the Palestinian education ministry and an Israeli-American activist who was at the scene of the shooting.

No Other Land co-director Yuval Abraham said on X that a settler shot Odeh (also Awdah) Hathaleen in the lungs in Umm Al-Khair village in the occupied West Bank. Residents allege the shooter was Yinon Levy, who is sanctioned by the UK.

Attorney Avichai Hajbi said he was representing a resident “who felt his life was in danger, was forced to fire his weapon into the air” after residents were “attacked by an Arab mob, along with foreign activists, with stones and violence”. Mattan Berner-Kadish, an Israeli-American activist at the scene, told the BBC that at about 17:20 local time (15:20 BST) on Monday, a bulldozer from a nearby Israeli settlement was driven through private Palestinian land, crushing a sewage pipe, multiple olive trees and two fences.

Berner-Kadish and other activists, including Hathaleen’s cousin Ahmad, ran to block the bulldozer. The activist said the driver hit Ahmad in the neck and shoulder with a drill that extended from the bulldozer, with his footage capturing Ahmad falling to the ground. Berner-Kadish did not believe Levy was driving.

While attending to Ahmad’s injuries, Berner-Kadish heard a pop. Running back to the village to get water, he saw Hathaleen lying bleeding from a gunshot wound and Levy, the only settler he saw, holding a gun.

In a video believed to be filmed by a relative of Hathaleen and posted on social media, a man identified as Levy is seen holding a pistol with a bulldozer behind him, as men yell at him. Levy pushes at one man, who pushes back. Levy then raises his pistol and shoots ahead of him, then again into the air.

The clip cuts off when the person filming turns around to run away as women are heard screaming. The footage does not show what or who the shots hit, if anything, and whether anyone else was shooting. There are no other settlers visible. Israeli police said it was investigating the incident in the area of Carmel, an Israeli settlement near Umm Al-Khair.

“As a result of the incident, a Palestinian man was pronounced deceased. His exact involvement is under investigation,” police told the BBC. Police said on Tuesday morning they had detained an Israeli citizen for questioning. Israeli media later reported Levy was released on house arrest.

The Israel Defense Forces (IDF) also detained five Palestinians on suspicion of involvement in the incident, along with two foreign tourists who were present. Berner-Kadish said on Tuesday evening they were still detained. The activist, who began visiting the village in 2021, said Hathaleen was “one of my best friends in the world” and the two were days away from constructing a football field in the village. He added that Hathaleen was a “warm and loving” father of three young children.

The Palestinian education ministry said Hathaleen was a teacher at a local secondary school. US congresswoman Lateefah Simon, a Democrat from California, said she was “heartbroken” over the killing of Hathaleen. He and his cousin, “both holding valid visas”, were detained and deported from San Francisco airport last month while travelling for a multicultural faith dialogue, she said.

Abraham said Hathaleen had helped film No Other Land, the 2025 Oscar winner for best documentary feature that follows the legal fight between the Israeli government and Palestinians over Masafer Yatta, a West Bank community of about 20 villages.

..Levy, a leader of an outpost farm, was sanctioned by the UK in 2024, along with others, because he “used physical aggression, threatened families at gunpoint, and destroyed property as part of a targeted and calculated effort to displace Palestinian communities”.

He was also sanctioned by the US under the Biden administration, along with others, last year, but President Donald Trump lifted those sanctions.

Gilad Kariv, a member of Israel’s Knesset from the Democrats party, said on X in response to the video that “in the territories, armed Jewish militias operate unchecked”.

Settler violence, which has also been on the rise for years, has surged since the outbreak of the war in Gaza. The UN documented at least 27 attacks by settlers against Palestinians that resulted in property damage, casualties or both, between 15 and 21 July, in the West Bank.

see also: https://www.frontlinedefenders.org/en/statement-report/optisrael-statement-solidarity-palestinian-human-rights-defenders-risk-occupied

https://www.bbc.com/news/articles/c776x78517po

https://www.amnesty.org/en/latest/news/2025/

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Killing_of_Awdah_Hathaleen

https://mailchi.mp/2a4342b25255/hrdf-10982507?e=51113b9c0e Read here the words of chairperson of the board, Sahar Vardi.

Young Syrian human rights defenders working for truth and justice express cautious hope

May 26, 2025

“Removing a dictator is not enough; real change requires a shift in governance, security, justice.”

Syrians gather in celebration days after the fall of Bashar Assad’s government at Umayyad Square in Damascus on Dec. 12, 2024. | Leo Correa/AP

On 19 May 2025 Bassam Alahmad, Noah Abbas, and Simav Hasan wrote in Global Citizen an interesting piece on how Syrian human rights defenders feel about the changes in their country:

In a previously published Global Citizen In My Own Words article, human rights defender Bassam Alahmad detailed his experiences of being a stateless citizen residing in Syria who stands for justice. In this article, following the fall of Al-Assad, Bassam Alahmad is joined by colleagues from Syrians For Truth and Justice, Simav Hasan, and Noah Abbas, as they share their reflections on what the regime change in the country means for them personally and for their hopes for a democratic Syria.

How would you describe your relationship with Syria and how has the decades-long conflict impacted you?

Bassam Alahmad: I think ‘complicated’ or ‘complex’ is the best way to describe my relationship with Syria. Being born stateless means having no rights, but we love our country because we were born there. We know the people and communities and we belong to the land but I didn’t feel as though I belonged politically. I didn’t feel as though I had full citizenship in the country. I like my country but unfortunately, the way in which the Kurdish people were treated for decades made it so we didn’t feel like we were equal parts of this country.  

Noah Abbas: As a Kurdish Syrian national, the long-standing conflict in Syria has profoundly influenced both my personal and professional life. It has not only shaped my views on war and peace, but has also deepened my understanding of resilience and the value of community. Witnessing the enduring struggles of friends, family, and the broader Syrian community has motivated me to advocate for humanitarian causes and pursue solutions that aim to bring lasting peace to the region. The impact of this conflict extends into my academic pursuits as well; I am currently engaged in postgraduate studies in military intelligence and security.

This academic path was chosen with a clear purpose: to shift the perspective on the role of intelligence in Syria. Under Al-Assad’s governance, intelligence agencies were often viewed as instruments of fear, particularly against opponents of the regime. As a human rights activist, I believe it is our duty to transform this perception and demonstrate how intelligence can serve as a cornerstone for justice and societal safety. Joining the efforts of Syrians for Truth and Justice has been crucial in my journey.

Simav Hasan: I am a Kurd from Qamishli, and so my existence here has always been shaped by layers of oppression, resistance, and hope. The decades-long conflict has left scars on my community and on me personally. I’ve witnessed forced displacement, the suffering of victims, and the destruction of lives and history. But more than that, I’ve felt the weight of injustice firsthand — whether through the fight for accountability, the struggle for basic rights, or the ongoing humanitarian crises. Despite everything, I refuse to detach myself from this reality. My work as a journalist and human rights activist is my way of pushing back against the violence, ensuring that the voices of the victims are heard, and trying to carve out a future where justice isn’t just a distant dream. The war has taken much, but it has also strengthened my resolve. Even in the darkest moments, I believe in the power of truth, memory, and resistance.

………

In 2024 the Al-Assad government fell, how did this make you feel? 

Alahmad: To be honest, while part of me is very happy that there is no longer the Assad regime, part of me also thinks that there is a big obstacle in the road to democracy, open civic society, and citizenship. As people working in human rights we must not be naive because we know the history and we know that there are human rights violations committed. The main issue is there is a huge gap betweenwhat they say to the west — to the EU, to the US, to the UN — and what they ultimately decide. For example, the national dialogue was kind of a missed opportunity, where instead of having a good version of national dialogue in Damascus and to be more inclusive, they excluded a huge part of Syria, including Kurds and other minorities.

It was a missed opportunity. The same is true with the constitutional declaration adopted in March 2025. They didn’t recognize the Kurdish people or the Kurdish language. They did not recognize diversity. Most of the authority was in the hands of the president. Our main problem is that Syria without the Assad regime is good, but there is no guarantee that we are going towards democracy. The recent Human Rights Watch report on the constitutional declaration clearly states that this constitutional declaration is not a road to a democratic country. This should be very clear for our partners in the US, the EU, and the international community. The most serious thing that happened in the coastal area in Latakia and Tartus is that hundreds of Alawite people were killed based on their identity, because they are from this minority group. A lot of violations happened by the groups linked to the government. 

Abbas: The fall of the Al-Assad government, as welcomed by human rights organizations, provoked a complex mix of emotions within me. On one hand, I felt a profound sense of relief and happiness that the brutal regime, known for its relentless human rights violations and oppressive rule, had come to an end. The release of prisoners of conscience and the acknowledgment of the sacrifices made by countless human rights defenders brought a wave of hope for a future where justice and accountability could finally be addressed. However, as a Kurdish-Syrian national, this transition also brought with it significant fears and concerns. The potential for ethnic conflicts or even ethnic cleansing within the new power structures (such as the factions that committed violations in Efrin city, my home town, and other Kurdish cities across the country) was alarming, especially given the historical challenges faced by Kurdish communities in asserting their rights and safety within Syria.

Despite these fears, the fall of the regime marked a critical moment for Syria — an opportunity to rebuild and redefine the nation on the principles of freedom, justice, and human dignity. It was a moment to champion the efforts of Syrians for Truth and Justice and engage more actively in the civil society space dedicated to transitional justice and documenting human rights violations. 

Hasan: With the fall of the Assad government, I felt a sense of cautious optimism. It marked the end of a regime responsible for decades of repression, war crimes, and mass atrocities — a moment many victims and survivors had long awaited. There was hope that this could be the beginning of rebuilding Syria on principles of justice, accountability, and human rights. However, I remained wary. The fall of a regime does not automatically guarantee freedom or stability. Power vacuums in Syria have often led to new forms of repression and external interference. Many armed actors still operate with impunity, and the path to true justice remains uncertain. While this moment was significant, real change depended on what came next. Would justice be pursued? Would the voices of victims and marginalized communities — especially Kurds and other oppressed groups — be heard? The fall of Assad was a turning point, but Syria’s future was still being written.

https://www.globalcitizen.org/en/content/syria-justice-human-rights-after-al-assad/

Defamation Campaign against Syrian woman rights defender Hiba Ezzideen Al- Hajji

April 25, 2025

On 23 April 2025 Front Line Defenders expressed its serious concern for Syrian woman human right defender Hiba Ezzideen Al-Hajji, as well as her family and the ‘Equity and Empowerment’ organisation, who are being targeted by a defamation campaign on Facebook which seeks to incite violence against them. The online campaign, initiated both by individuals known to support the new government and unknown users, has targeted Hiba Ezzideen Al-Hajii for a Facebook post she made on 20 April 2025, in which she advocated against forced marriages. This bombardment of defamatory messages has included calls for violence, including death threats, constituting a clear case of harassment.

Hiba Ezzideen Al-Hajji is a Syrian feminist and woman human rights defender. She is the CEO of the Equity and Empowerment organisation and the Chairperson of the Board of Directors in Shan network for peace building. Equity and Empowerment is a women-led organisation which works on gender equality, focusing on digital security, economic and political empowerment. [see also: https://humanrightsdefenders.blog/2023/08/10/syrian-woman-human-rights-defender-hiba-ezzideen-al-hajji-threatened/]

Since 20 April 2025, Hiba Ezzideen Al-Hajii’s Facebook account, through which she posted about women’s rights, has been used to start a defamation campaign and incite violence against her, as well as her family and the Equity and Empowerment organisation, both based in Idlib, Syria. The online campaign has led to Hiba Ezzideen Al-Hajii receiving numerous death threats on the social media platform, both through private messages and through a flood of posts on her own account, as well as on Equity and Empowerment’s page. The online mob, formed by unknown users, have urged followers to post defamatory content against her online and called for physical violence, inciting people to burn down the center of Equity and Empowerment in Idlib, with the objective of killing Hiba Ezzideen Al-Hajii and harming her family. They have distorted the meaning of an old video, in which she stated that it is unnecessary to use the veil in the centers of Equity and Empowerment where there are only women, to falsely accuse her of insulting the Hijab and Islam. The online mob have also attempted to distort her Facebook post in which she urged authorities to investigate cases of women’s abduction, in order to allow for accountability.

Several public figures have taken advantage of this defamation campaign in order to falsely accuse the woman rights defender of being an agent to Assad security branches, despite her clear stands against the Assad regime and extensive record of human rights activism against it. Subsequently, on 22 April, the police in Idlib closed down the center of Equity and Empowerment. Furthermore, the governor of Idlib announced via Facebook that he has requested the public prosecutor to file a lawsuit against Hiba Ezzideen Al-Hajii for insulting the hijab. The woman human rights defender has expressed a profound concern for her personal safety and well-being. She has reported fearing for her life, as well as the lives of her family and team at Equity and Empowerment.

Front Line Defenders condemns the defamation and online campaign seeking to incite violence, as well as subsequent acts of intimidation against woman human rights defender Hiba Ezzideen Al-Hajii, her family and her organisation Equity and Empowerment. Front Line Defenders believes that the defamation campaign and online harassment is directly related to Hiba Ezzideen Al-Hajji’s work in the defence of human rights, particularly her work towards the promotion of women’s rights in Syria.

Front Line Defenders also expresses concern with the recurrent use of Facebook as a tool to incite violence against woman human rights defenders in Syria. The organisation urges Meta to immediately take down all Facebook posts against woman human rights defender Hiba Ezzideen Al-Hajii and her organisation Equity and Empowerment, suspend any groups, pages and profiles used to defame her or organise attacks and incite violence against her and her organisation, while also storing data that is relevant for future investigations and accountability. Meta must fulfill their responsibility to protect human rights, in accordance with international human rights standards. They must take the necessary steps to guarantee the safety of human rights defenders online, ensuring their platforms do not contribute to violent and dangerous campaigns, or allow users to incite targeted violence against defenders, particularly woman human rights defenders, which puts their lives at serious risk. Front Line Defenders stands ready to assist Meta with identifying the defamatory and violent content in question and the accounts on which they are hosted or shared.

https://www.frontlinedefenders.org/en/statement-report/syria-defamation-campaign-against-woman-rights-defender-hiba-ezzideen-al-hajji

Israeli continues to target human rights defenders in the West Bank

July 29, 2024

The Israeli authorities continue to target human rights defenders in the Occupied West Bank, including East Jerusalem, through prolonged administrative detention without charge, humiliation and ill treatment, an independent expert said calling for an end to such treatment.

UN Special Procedures experts, including myself, have raised similar concerns multiple times, and this time I want to bring to the attention of the Israeli government the recent cases of Mr. Bassem Tamimi, Mr. Omar al-Khatib, Ms. Baraa Odeh, Ms. Sumoud Mtair and Ms. Diala Ayesh,” said Mary Lawlor, UN Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights defenders.

The five human rights defenders were arrested between October 2023 and March 2024, either from their home or as they returned from abroad. They were ordered to be held in administrative detention for periods ranging from four to six months, subject to unlimited renewal. Two of them have yet to be released.

Bassem Tamimi, from Ramallah, is an organiser of peaceful protests against the illegal occupation of Palestinian lands; Omar al-Khatib, from Jerusalem, campaigns against the forced eviction of Palestinian families from the Jerusalem neighbourhood of Sheikh Jarrah; Baraa Odeh, from Bethlehem promotes youth rights; Sumoud Mtair, from Hebron, is active in the Palestinian Anti-Apartheid Wall Campaign; and Diala Ayesh is a human rights lawyer who documents the detention conditions of Palestinian prisoners detained in Israel. All but al-Khatib and Ayesh were released at the end of their administrative detention periods.

“All five human rights defenders were arrested without warrant. They were not given any reason as to why there were being detained. They were all interrogated without the presence of a lawyer. They were not allowed contact with their families,” Lawlor said.

“Four of them were reportedly slapped, beaten, humiliated, sent from one prison to another in the space of one or two days, and made to sign documents in Hebrew they could not understand. The three women detainees have been held in deplorable conditions, in dirty cells and given insufficient and poor-quality meals.”

https://www.miragenews.com/un-expert-israel-must-halt-targeting-1282213/

https://thepeninsulaqatar.com/article/24/07/2024/un-official-calls-on-israeli-authorities-to-stop-targeting-palestinian-human-rights-defenders

Egyptian NGOs demand apology after closure of 13-year case over lack of evidence

April 1, 2024

Hossam Bahgat is demanding an apology and remedy after a travel ban and freeze on his assets was reversed on 20 March 2024 (AFP/Mada Masr/file photo)

On 22 March 2024 MEE reported on a very interesting development in Egypt, where dozens of rights defenders have been affected by travel bans and asset freezes for over decade in a ‘politically motivated’ case [see also: https://humanrightsdefenders.blog/tag/hossam-bahgat/].

Egypt has announced the closure of a 13-year landmark case in which human rights defenders were accused of receiving illicit foreign funding – but those affected by the allegations are demanding justice. An investigative judge on Wednesday declared the closure of case 173/2011, known in the media as the “foreign funding case”, due to what he described as “insufficient evidence”.

The case has been widely denounced as a politically-motivated attack on Egypt’s civil society.  Judge Ahmed Abdel Aziz Qatlan’s decision marks the end of a probe against 85 organisations. It also means an end to asset freezes and travel bans imposed on members of these organisations, he added.

Before the decision on Wednesday, accusations against most of the organisations implicated had already been dropped and this week’s decision only affects five organisations. 

These were the Egyptian Initiative for Personal Rights (EIPR); the Arabic Network for Human Rights Information (ANHRI); the Arab Penal Reform Organisation; the Cairo Institute For Human Rights Studies; and Al-Nadeem Center for  Rehabilitation of Victims of Violence.

Rights groups and human rights defenders have called for an apology and compensation for the defendants. Hussein Baoumi, foreign policy advocacy officer at Amnesty International, who had previously monitored the case as Amnesty’s Egypt researcher, said the closure of the case is a welcome step but is “long overdue”.

“The government must issue a public apology and compensate the human rights defenders for years of smearing and punitive measures, merely because they defended the rights of millions of people,” he told Middle East Eye.

Baoumi expressed cautious optimism about the government’s respect for the court decision. “It is too early to say if this marks a serious shift in the government’s crackdown on civil society,” he said. “Closing case 173 must be followed by lifting all travel bans and asset freezes against human rights defenders, all those arbitrarily detained must be released and the NGO law must be amended to bring it in line with Egypt’s obligations.”

Hossam Bahgat, director of the EIPR, has been under a travel ban and barred from accessing his bank account for eight years. Following the closure of the case, he said he felt “vindicated but not relieved”.

He demanded “an official and public apology and restitution for the psychological and material damage resulting from this bogus case”. Gamal Eid, the founder of the ANHRI, welcomed the decision to lift his travel ban but said he still hopes for “the return of all the innocent and oppressed people to their families and loved ones”, referring to the estimated 65,000 political prisoners still languishing in Egyptian jails.

The Cairo Institute for Human Rights (CIHRs) said on Friday: “The decision does not remedy the injustices suffered by the dozens of human rights defenders targeted by the case over the course of the previous decade. Egyptian authorities must issue a formal apology to the victims of this persecution and compensate them for the losses and hardship they have been forced to endure.

Bahey eldin Hassan, CIHRs director, has been sentenced to 18 years in jail in absentia and his sentence remains in effect, the group said.  Hassan and dozens of other human rights defenders are currently living in exile because they fear arrest if they return to Egypt.

CIHR also called on Egypt to put an end to its ongoing crackdown on civil society and human rights defenders, including Ibrahim Metwally, Ezzat Ghoneim, and Hoda Abdelmoniem, who are still behind bars in connection with their work.

CIHR is calling for a review of Egypt’s counter-terrorism legislation and penal code to safeguard the freedom of human rights defenders to carry out their jobs without fear of reprisals. 

“Only through a comprehensive review of repressive Egyptian legislation, the releasing of the tens of thousands of peaceful political prisoners, and a genuine opening of public space, can Egyptian authorities demonstrate genuine political will to reform,” it said.

https://eipr.org/en/press/2024/11/eipr-executive-director%E2%80%99s-asset-freeze-lifted-after-eight-years-without-trial

https://www.middleeasteye.net/news/egypt-ngos-demand-apology-after-closure-13-year-case-over-lack-evidence

Online human rights defenders need to be supported and protected – not criminalized

January 27, 2022

Laurel E. Fletcher (professor at Berkeley Law School) & Khalid Ibrahim (executive director of the Gulf Centre for Human Rights) published “When did it become illegal to defend human rights?” on January 19, 2022 in International InstitutionsTechnologyGlobalConflict & Justice Middle East.

Their key point is worth noting: The problem for human rights defenders in the Gulf region and neighbouring countries is that states have exploited the opportunity to align their cybercrime laws with European standards to double-down on laws restricting legitimate online expression BUT without any of the judicial safeguards that exist in that region.


Several women take part in a protest, using a hashtag, against Saudi Crown Prince Mohamed bin Salman’s visit to the country in Tunis, Tunisia, in November 2018.  EFE / Stringer


Governments in every region of the world are criminalizing human rights activism. They do it by prosecuting protest organizers, journalists, internet activists, and leaders of civil society organizations under laws that make it a crime to insult public figures, disseminate information that damages “public order,” “national security,” and “fake news.” 

In the Gulf region and neighbouring countries, oppressive governments have further weaponized their legal arsenal by adopting anti-cybercrime laws that apply these overly broad and ill-defined offline restrictions to online communications. 

In an age when online communications are ubiquitous, and in societies where free press is crippled, laws that criminalize the promotion of human rights on social media networks and other online platforms undermine the ability to publicize and discuss human rights violations and threaten the foundation of any human rights movement.

In May of 2018, for example, the Saudi government carried out mass arrests of women advocating online for women’s right to drive. Charged under the country’s cybercrime law including article six which prohibits online communication “impinging on public order, religious values, public morals, and privacy,” these human rights activists were detained, tortured, and received multi-year sentences for the “crime” of promoting women’s rights. 

There is certainly a necessity to address the prevalence and impact of cybercrimes but without criminalizing people who speak out for human rights.

European countries and the United Nations (UN) have encouraged states to adopt a standard approach to addressing crimes committed with online technologies ranging from wire fraud to financing terrorist groups. The Council of Europe issued a 2001 regional convention on cybercrime, to which any state may accede, and the UN is promoting a cybercrime treaty

Common standards can prevent the abuse of online technologies by enabling  the sharing of online evidence and promoting accountability since the evidence of online crimes often resides on servers outside the country where the harm occurred or where the wrongdoers reside. 

The problem for human rights defenders in the Gulf region and neighbouring countries is that states have exploited the opportunity to align their cybercrime laws with European standards to double-down on laws restricting legitimate online expression. 

European countries have robust human rights oversight from the European Court of Human Rights, which ensures that limitations on freedom of expression online meet stringent international standards. There is no comparable human rights oversight for the Gulf region. Without adequate international judicial review, governments can successfully exploit international processes to strengthen their ability to stifle online expression. 

The regional model cybercrime law drafted by the United Arab Emirates and adopted by the Arab League in 2004, follows international guidance. However, it incorporates a regional twist and includes provisions that criminalize online dissemination of content that is “contrary to the public order and morals,” facilitates assistance to terrorist groups, along with disclosure of confidential government information related to national security or the economy. 

UN experts reviewed the UAE law and gave it a seal of approval, noting it complied with the European convention, ignoring the fact that  UN human rights experts have documented repeatedly that governments use such restrictions to crack down on dissent. A UN-sponsored global cybercrime study, published in 2013, similarly soft-pedaled the threat of criminalizing online dissent by noting that governments had leeway to protect local values. Such protection does not extend to speaking up for universal rights like equality and democracy.

Actually, the universal right to freedom of expression protects online content, and limitations must meet international standards of legality, legitimacy, necessity, and proportionality. In our recent report on the use of anti-cybercrime legislation throughout the Gulf region and neighbouring countries, we found that over an 18-month period (May 2018-October 2020), there were 225 credible incidents of online freedom of expression violations against activists and journalist in ten countries: Bahrain, Iran, Iraq, Jordan, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, Syria, and the UAE. Each country has adopted  anti-cybercrime laws except Iraq, where lawmakers’ drafts of proposed legislation have been met with stiff opposition from domestic and international human rights groups.

The international community needs to increase pressure on the Gulf region and neighboring countries to comply with their international obligations to protect freedom of expression off and online. Turning away from the clear evidence that oppressive governments are expanding the reach of criminal law to stifle online human rights activism undermines legitimate international efforts to address cybercrime. 

How can we trust the UN to safeguard the voices advocating online for human rights and democracy in a region that so desperately needs both, if it fails to insist human rights safeguards be written into the regional and national cybercrime laws it champions? 

In the age of the internet, online human rights activism needs to be supported—and protected—as a vital part of the cybercommunications ecosystem. In the Gulf region, defenders of human rights pay an untenable price for their work, risking arrest, torture, and even death. It is time to reverse the trend while there are still defenders left. 

One of the women human rights defenders in Saudi Arabia said before she was imprisoned, “If the repressive authorities here put behind bars every peaceful voice calling for respect for public freedoms and the achievement of social justice in the Gulf region and neighboring countries, only terrorists will remain out.” History has proven the truth of her words, as most of the individuals who led terrorist groups with a global reach have come from this region and have caused, and still cause, chronic problems for the whole world.

The important lesson that we must learn here is that repressive governments foster a destructive dynamic of expansion and intensification of human rights violations. Repressive governments cooperate with and look to one another for strategies and tactics. Further troubling is that what we see in the Gulf region is enabled by the essentially unconditional support provided by some Western governments, especially the US and UK. This toxic template of Western support to governments that oppress their own people constitutes a threat to world peace and prosperity and must be addressed.


https://www.openglobalrights.org/when-did-it-become-illegal-to-defend-human-rights/index.cfm


Journalists on the ground are often the real heroes

February 18, 2021

Janine di Giovanni, Senior Fellow at Yale University, wrote on 9 February 2021 in iwpr.net/ a piece “The real heroes are the journalists on the ground, fighting to bring truth to light”

Based on her many years of reporting in North Africa and the Middle East and observing revolution after revolution she published the book: The Morning They Came for Us. Here she looks back on the Arab spring and the current situation. Journalists are indeed among the most targeted as also shown by the Digest for Human Rights Laureates recently launched by THF: there are some 450 journalists and media workers among the laureates [see:https://www.trueheroesfilms.org/thedigest/laureates].

Spotlight

Back in 2011, it was a revelation to see thousands of people marching for freedom. Each demonstration, each revolution was different but there were common themes. The main rallying cry from the crowds in Tahrir Square or Ben Ghazi or Homs or Aleppo or Tunis was always the same: we want our freedom.

It was exhilarating. Crowds were rising up against decades of dictatorships, of corruption, voicing their frustration at the lack of opportunity. What they wanted was the right to speak and write and live in accordance with their personal liberties. 

As someone who grew up first in North America, later in the UK and France, freedom of speech was a tenet of human rights I took for granted. Not so for my colleagues in Tunis who had to work underground with white-hat hackers like Anonymous to overthrow Ben Ali’s ministry of information and get their messages out. Not so for my Syrian colleagues in Aleppo or Damascus who risked everything to plead for freedom, and if they were caught, were thrown into prison and tortured or killed. Or my Egyptian friends who were tortured in prison and stripped of all rights. 

What the authorities want to say is, “It’s dangerous to speak out”. The number of the missing in Syria, the number of imprisoned in Egypt is enormous: many of them are our comrades and colleagues who tried to express and explain what was happening. These activists and journalists are what their repressive governments say is a threat to “national security”. 

Ten years on, what have we learned? Egypt under General Sisi remains even more repressed and dangerous for journalists than ever. The proportions of journalists attacked in 2020 as opposed to ten years ago is shocking:  according to the Committee to Protect Journalists, nearly 27 journalists are imprisoned, two murdered and one missing. 

This includes Aamar Abdelmonem, a freelancer, imprisoned in December 2020 on false charges, denied medication in prison (he is diabetic) and his eyeglasses. When I read about the cases of my colleagues who are incarcerated for simply telling the truth, I realize how lucky I am to live in a society where I can write what I choose. 

Always, when I think of press freedom I think of my colleague Jamal Khashoggi, murdered by henchmen under the order of Prince Mohammed bin Salman of Saudi Arabia. Jamal’s work is not over – it lives on in the spirit of every reporter working to bring truth to light. They are not only journalists but also lawyers, human rights defenders, members of civil society. You might not hear about them – because they are working quietly but with great precision and care. They are my heroes.

As an international journalist, I am forever grateful to the journalists working under the radar in these countries – the ones who risked arrest to meet with me or speak with me or share their experiences or notes, the ones who came to my hotel in Cairo, risking everything, the ones who met me in Damascus cafes under the eyes of the mukhabarat, then saw the security guards and had to flee. The ones on the ground working when the international press cannot. 

They are our heroes, our inspiration and above all, our colleagues. We must not forget them – and we must do everything in our power to protect them. Part of the reason I am proud to be a part of the IWPR international board is to spread the word of the excellent work that is done on the ground by my colleagues. In the words of the former assistant secretary general for human rights at the United Nations, Andrew Gilmour, we are living in times when the pushback to human rights has never been greater. Which means those of us who can raise our voices louder to protect our friends on the ground must do so, with conviction and passion.

Janine di Giovanni is a Senior Fellow at Yale University’s Jackson Institute for Global Affairs, IWPR international board member and the author of nine books. In 2020, the American Academy of Arts and Letters gave her their highest prize for non-fiction for her lifetime body of work, which largely focuses on human rights.

https://iwpr.net/global-voices/why-local-voices-matter