Posts Tagged ‘human rights’

New international training institute for online tactics for HRDs being set up in Florence

November 6, 2012

Normally I would not feel that BBC news (5 November – by Sean Coughlan, BBC News education correspondent) needs to be repeated in my blog but this story is so specifically linked to Human Rights Defenders and so much ‘hidden’ in the education/business section that I want to alert you all anyway. This is a shortened version.

An international training institute to teach online tactics for human rights campaigners is being set up in the Italian city of Florence. The first students, starting in the new year, will be drawn from human rights activists around the world – with the aim of arming them with the latest tools for digital dissent. There is a dangerous, high-stakes, hi-tech game of cat and mouse being played – with protesters needing to balance their secrecy and safety with their need to achieve the maximum public impact.

This training centre, being set up by the European wing of the US-based Robert Kennedy Center for Justice and Human Rights, wants to combine academic study with practical skills and training. With a good dose of irony, the training institute is based in a former prison building, donated by the city of Florence.

Murate, FlorenceFederico Moro, the director of the project, says the intention is to use “technology to promote democracy, human rights and justice”. “The idea is that with social media you can achieve change,” he says. He says campaigners might have passion and belief in their struggles, but they also need practical knowledge. These students will be blog writers and campaigners, who will be able to study in Florence on scholarships provided by the Robert Kennedy Center. Recruiting will be complicated by the need to protect the privacy of people who might be put at risk even by applying.

As well as teaching individuals, the institute wants to provide information for organisations and businesses, advising on areas such as human rights legislation and ethical investment. But what does a digital activist – or a so-called “smart dissident” – need to know? Chris Michael, from the Brooklyn-based human rights group Witness, describes the practical steps that protesters are using to stay ahead.

There are websites that allow for anonymous internet access, allowing people to organise without revealing identities. There are also means of circumventing censors’ attempts at blocking websites. The Tor project software, an unexpected spin-off from military technology, is favoured by human rights campaigners. Mr Michael says there are also “work arounds” to make online video and phone calls more secure from surveillance.

Another practical development is software that can easily pixellate faces in video footage, protecting bystanders who might be put at risk by identification. In terms of posting videos of protests or repression, Witness is working with YouTube on a dedicated human rights channel. It’s already hosting hundreds of user-generated videos from a wide number of countries, at the moment including Syria, Pakistan, Libya, Burma, Chile, Spain, Russia, China and the United States. There’s a daily update of video reports which include anything from student protests to forcible evictions. Selecting and showcasing the most relevant videos is important to make an impact on YouTube’s global audience, Mr Michael says. “Very few people are going to watch for hours. You might be able to get their attention for 45 seconds, that’s the world people live in,” he says.

The spread of mobile phones means there is an unprecedented ability for recording and distributing evidence of violence against citizens. We’re living in a global goldfish bowl. But is this making the world a safer place? Can cheap video and social networking defrost dictatorships? To put it bluntly, could Hitler and Stalin have been exposed at an earlier stage by Twitter and YouTube?

Facebook poster in Cairo protestThe Arab Spring saw social networking becoming a forum for protest. But the question remains whether Facebook really enabled Arab revolutions, or whether it enabled the rest of the world to find out more about a revolution that was going to happen anyway. Stephen Bradberry, a community activist in New Orleans in the wake of Hurricane Katrina, uses the word “slacktivism” – as a caution for the idea that clicking on a “like” button is a sufficient alternative to grassroots organisation. He also makes the point that while the internet makes so much information accessible, the power to find it is handed over to the search engines and their algorithms.

Rana Husseini, a Jordanian activist and journalist who uncovered stories about honour killings, says the internet has given a voice to public opinion. She also shares concerns that digital technology can be used as tools for surveillance and control as well as openness and investigation. But she speaks passionately about the way that ordinary people risk their lives to record video clips on their mobile phones in conflicts such as Syria. “This couldn’t have happened in the past – and probably this person will vanish.”

But the act of documenting is an important statement in its own right, she says. The idea of so many individuals making their own video history in this way is “something new and important”.

As an educational project, the human rights training institute project in Florence is an unlikely collision of influences. It’s a highly individual project. Stephen Bradberry warns of the risk of relying on online campaigns instead of grassroots protests. Inside the sturdy medieval prison walls, in the birthplace of the European renaissance, there is this hi-tech centre for online civil rights, awaiting students from around the world. Into this mix is added the legacy of Robert Kennedy’s 1960s idealism. The foundation was set up in memory of the assassinated senator and is now headed by his daughter, Kerry Kennedy.

The article finishes with a good question “Does online technology help to protect the rights of the individual?” and a range of reactions. Read it and participate.

 

Human rights defender of the month: Sapiyat Magomedova from Dagestan

November 6, 2012

The North Caucasian republic of Dagestan is one of the most dangerous places for lawyers today in Russia. In this region Sapiyat Magomedova defends victims of grave human rights violations like enforced disappearances, extra judicial killings and torture. She has taken on cases that many lawyers would reject due to security reasons, and although it is considered almost impossible, she has won several of them. She was chosen by Stockholm-based Civil Rights Defenders as its HRD of the month. Last week I reported that she had received an important award from Sweden.

When asked about everyday life in Dagestan, local human rights lawyer Sapiyat Magomedova answers straight: ”I would not call it life.” The conflict in Dagestan is bridging on civil war. During the last two years Dagestan is considered to be the most violent region in the North Caucasus, followed by Chechnya. Local human rights defenders constantly face harassment, assaults and threats to their life.

Portrait Sapiyat Magomedova Photo: Private

In 2010 Sapiyat Magomedova was severely beaten by police officers when visiting one of her clients. When pressing charges, she was herself charged with using violence against state officials and insulting police officers on duty. Sapiyat Magomedova had already in 2009 been subjected to an unfounded criminal case for allegedly offending an Investigator from the Prosecutor’s Office. She believes that the case was a form of retaliation for her standing up to law enforcement agencies and fighting impunity. “The criminal case against me was opened to put pressure on me, to force me to retract my statement against the police officers”, Sapiyat Magomedova later said in an interview.

Sapiyat Magomedova represents victims in very sensitive cases, such as allegations that the police have tortured individuals suspected of involvement with the insurgency, and cases of sexual- and gender based violence. Normally, cases of sexual- and gender based violence go unreported in Dagestan. Sexual violence is a taboo subject in a region where honour killings, bride kidnapping, and child marriage occur. There is an absence of debate on the political level on these issues. Women’s rights are not high on the political agenda and gender based violence and other kind of abuses against women occur on a regular basis.

In 2011, Sapiyat Magomedova defended a 13-year-old girl who had been kidnapped and raped for three days by five young men. Two of the suspected rapists were sons of police officers. After strong pressure on the girl and her family, she succumbed and changed her statement. The case, however, got rather great resonance in society and might lead to inspiring other victims to dare press charges. Sapiyat Magomedova further highlighted the case on one of the first conferences on women’s rights in the region. At the conference she spoke about the problem with impunity in cases of sexual- and gender based violence.

Being a woman, Sapiyat Magomedova must also exert much effort just to be taken seriously in her legal profession. Caucasian women are commonly housewives and that “leaves its mark”, as Sapiyat Magomedova puts it. Woman lawyers have a lot of misconceptions to fight against.

Human rights defenders constantly face harassment and threats to their life in Dagestan. Since 2010, Dagestan is considered to be the most violent region in the North Caucasus, followed by Chechnya. The conflict nearly approach the level of civil war. Russian law enforcement bodies are reluctant to investigate cases of human rights abuses. Even though Russia has been convicted approximately 210 times for violations linked to North Caucasus, by the European Court of Human Rights, not even one perpetrator has been put to justice.

In many cases, violations are committed by those who are supposed to uphold the rule of law, under the pretext of fighting terrorism. In order to keep up statistics in terror crimes, it frequently occurs that law enforcement bodies fabricate evidence against innocent people and extract a confession by using torture. This in turn nurtures the insurgency that has been on the rise in the past years. A decade of failure to stabilize the region and deal with the rampant impunity has created an environment where ordinary people live in fear and have almost nowhere to turn to seek justice.

The Russian government invests enormous sums of money each year to dampen the conflicts throughout the North Caucasus. The number of dead terrorists is used as evidence that the Russian government’s initiative leads to results. Military and security forces, and the Police are being rewarded for each person that can be added to the toll of terrorists. This has led to civilians being accused of joining the separatists. Kidnappings, torture and extrajudicial executions are common.

Read more in Civil Rights Defenders country report: Human rights in Russia

South Sudan: UN Condemns Expulsion of Its Human Rights Investigator

November 6, 2012

On 4 November, All Africa reports that the United Nations Mission in South Sudan (UNMISS) condemns the expulsion of its human rights officer who carried out investigations into human rights situations in the young nation. The Head of the UN office in Juba described it as a “breach of legal obligations” of the country.   (The expelled official, identified as Sandra Beidas, was reportedly given 48 hours by South Sudan’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation to leave the country.) Her expulsion is probably linked to a UN report of August, which accused South Sudan army (SPLA) of incidents of torture, rape, killings and abducting civilians during the civilian disarmament campaign in South Sudan’s Jonglei State.

….

In recent months, similar reports from Amnesty International and locally-based civil human rights group in the country have accused South Sudan’s security forces of human rights violations in the country, allegations the government has repeatedly denied. However, already in August last year the former head of the United Nations human rights division in South Sudan, Benedict Sannoh, was badly beaten and taken from his hotel room by 10 South Sudanese police officers. The police left the UN official at a hospital after he was beaten, kicked and punched him while he was “in a sustained fashion while he was in a fetal position on the floor” the UN said at the time.

allAfrica.com: South Sudan: UN Condemns Expulsion of Its Human Rights Investigator Page 1 of 2.

Palestinian HRD Nariman Tamimi speaks out on repression of peaceful protest in AI video

November 5, 2012

In Greece there is a frequently heard ‘complaint’ that international human rights groups – in particular AI – have the same agenda as the USA. At a recent meeting with friends in Chania, AI’s position on Pussy Riot was quoted as evidence.

I countered by pointing out that AI on many occasions has taken a stand that seems to go against US policy, from the death penalty to Guantanamo Bay and the Israeli occupied territories. A recent video referred to here makes that clear again in the case of Israel. Perhaps even more shocking are some of the comments that seems to confirm the existence of an orchestrated response [by whom?] to equal any criticism of Israel to anti-Semitism.

Every Friday since December 2009 residents of al-Nabi Saleh and solidarity activists gather around noon in the village centre and march peacefully towards the spring. They have been met repeatedly with unnecessary and excessive force by the Israeli army including the use of stun grenades, pepper spray, batons and guns. Demonstrations are dispersed as soon as they begin and are usually not allowed to reach the spring. The Israeli army raids the village regularly, usually during the night, and conducts house searches and arrests, including the arrest of children under the age of 15.

Israeli military laws in place in the West Bank impose sweeping and arbitrary restrictions on freedom of expression and peaceful assembly, requiring people to obtain advance permission from the Israeli military for any proposed gathering of 10 or more persons “for a political purpose of for a matter that could be interpreted as political”.  Nariman Tamimi told Amnesty International that in al-Nabi Saleh and all areas where there is popular resistance, police use extreme violence, noting that “there is nothing [to the protests] except that you chant and express your opinion.” As one of the organizers of the al-Nabi Salneh protests and a coordinator of the village’s popular committee, Bassem Tamimi and his family have been the target of harsh treatment by the Israeli army.  For more see the excellent film:

AI video on Palestinian protest

 

Simple but effective video on human rights by Edeos: part 1 out in several languages

November 2, 2012

A small Berlin based NGO has brought out a 8 mn video that is very basic but also very clear. I think it could be especially useful for educators in at the secondary school level or as introduction for a basic class in human rights. The first part (focusing on history and civil and political rights) exists in several languages. I am interested to see what they come up with when dealing with social and economic rights and collective rights.

OOPS there was a link to alternative energy – also important but not what I meant: better go to edeos animated video on human rights part 1 in YOU TUBE 

iframe width=”640″ height=”360″ src=”http://www.youtube.com/embed/3L4r47WiqMw&#8221; frameborder=”0″ allowfullscreen></iframe

Barbara Hendricks – a human rights defender of a special kind

November 2, 2012

Barbara Hendricks at MEA ceremony 2003 with late Sergio Vieira de Mello and Alirio Uribe Munoz

The trigger to write about this very special person is that she has just been celebrated as UNHCR’s Goodwill ambassador for 25 years.

“You are really the princess of the humanitarian and human rights world,” High Commissioner for Refugees António Guterres said at a special UNHCR staff ceremony in Geneva. “The authority of your voice is a precious instrument for our fight,” he added. “Twenty-five years – it’s a long time and the cause of refugees has been a part of my life since my first mission,” said Hendricks, adding that it had been an honour to work for UNHCR. She praised the refugees who inspire her and the UNHCR staff who help them. “Thank you so much. It has been a fantastic journey and I look forward to continuing for as long as I can.”

What many people do not know is that Barbara Hendricks has not only been a dedicated and outspoken advocate for refugees for the past 25 years, but also been a strong supporter of other causes including human rights, e.g. as a Patron of the Martin Ennals Award for Human Rights Defenders or in giving her support to creating the True Heroes Foundation, Films for Human Rights Defenders in 2007.

The American-born Swedish citizen was inspired by the struggle for civil rights in the USA as a child and never let off. The human rights world needs celebrities but even more it needs celebrities with real and long-term commitment. This is what makes Barbara Hendricks a Human Rights Defender in her own name! Thanks.

Threats against women’s rights advocate Denis Mukwege in DRC mobilize medical community

October 30, 2012

I am referring to this blog post by Dr Jocalyn Clark because it is so good to see that the medical community comes out to support a Human Rights Defender in DRC and considers the attack on him as “another wake-up call for us all”.

“Last Thursday evening, as many of you will have seen via media reports, a true hero of women and human rights Dr Denis Mukwege narrowly escaped death during an assassination attempt on his life that killed his security guard. Amnesty International is now rightly calling for a full investigation and asking whether his recent criticisms of the Congolese government played a role. Attacks against human rights defenders and humanitarian workers are said to be increasing in DRC, where conflict has raged for years. Denis Mukwege, winner of many international accolades including the UN Human Rights Award, has long championed the rights of women and highlighted to the world the extent and the brutality of systemic rape against women in the conflict zones of DRC…”

Threats against women’s rights advocate Denis Mukwege are another wake-up call for us all | Speaking of Medicine.

Defamation campaign and threats against human rights defender Tolekan Ismailova

October 26, 2012

On 14 October 2012, TV channel LTR broadcast a program in which human rights defender Ms Tolekan Ismailova was depicted as spreading propaganda for homosexuality in Kyrgyzstan and being destructive to Kyrgyz values. Similar accusations were published in several Kyrgyz-language newspapers. Ms Tolekan Ismailova is the director of Human Rights Centre ‘Citizens Against Corruption’. These accusations refer to the documentary ‘I Am Gay and Muslim’, which was part of the human rights film festival Bir Duyno – Kyrgyzstan (One World  Kyrgyzstan), organised annually in Bishkek. The documentary was scheduled to be shown on 28 September 2012 in Bishkek. The film explores the problematic issue of gay rights in the Islamic world, taking the example of Moroccan young men who speak about their sexual and religious identity.

On 26 September 2012, the organisers of the festival had received phone calls and text messages threatening them with physical harm while the director of the cinema was threatened that the building would be set on fire unless the film’s screening was cancelled. Dublin-based Front Line Defenders condemns the smear campaign and threats against Ms Tolekan Ismailova and the other organisers of the human rights festival, and is concerned for their physical and psychological integrity and security.

For actions see: https://www.frontlinedefenders.org/node/20249/action


This information was received through the International Secretariat of Women Human Rights Defenders International Coalition. 

Are Political Islamists in the UAE Human Rights Defenders?

October 26, 2012
An Arab blogger, Sultan Sooud Al-Qassemi, posted on 25 October a relevant article in AL-Monitor. It poses the always tricky question of the ‘definition’ of a Human Rights Defender, but even more the valid question of human rights policy. Why would the international community put priority or energy into defending those whose human rights credentials are below par? Not speaking Arabic myself, I cannot refute the many examples given by the author. Anybody who can is welcome to enlighten us. In the meantime it is not more than fair to put on record the detailed accusations in the long article, including writings and tweets by Hassan Al Diqqi. Why the author does not give similar examples from other islamists is a good question.  Also there is the weakness that the article does not give examples of those activists in the UAE that the author would consider real human Rights defenders, which makes the article look like a apology for the UAE’s govenrment. I just have to mention the cases of  Ahmed Mansoor, blogger and member of  ANHRI’s (Arab Network for Human Rights Information); Nasser bin Ghaith, an economist, university lecturer and advocate of political reform; and three online activists Fahad Salim Dalk, Ahmed Abdul Khaleq and Hassan Ali al-Khamis, which featured in my blog on 18 July. 

The article itself has some strong language:

“For almost two years, the UAE’s political Islamists have been referred to in the West as human rights activists. No doubt, they are indeed activists with an agenda but there is also no doubt that they are not our version of Nelson Mandela, nor is their vision for the country that of the Magna Carta. I have been following their rhetoric — in Arabic — over the past few months on social media with great concern. I have found it to be xenophobic; anti-Semitic; sectarian; exclusionary; racist toward Asians, Africans and other Arabs and overall repugnant.

 ………………………

Nothing exposes the ignorance of non-Arabic-speaking writers than when they comment on the current events in the UAE without taking the time to read what is written. Referring to the political Islamists as “human rights defenders” is an insult to human rights activists all over the world and the equivalent of calling Greece’s Golden Dawn, Holland’s Freedom Party led by Geert Wilders or Hungary’s Jobbik Party as human rights platforms. If outsiders want to champion the UAE’s political Islamists, they should at the very least refer to them as they truly are: right-wing, exclusionary political movements. Vote for Geert Wilders if you like, just don’t call him a human rights defender.“

see full piece: UAE Political Islamists Are Not Human Rights Defenders – Al-Monitor: the Pulse of the Middle East.

 

How bad is it in the Gambia? Freedom Radio has some disturbing quotes

October 19, 2012

I just read the following piece (“A Vote of No Confidence on President Jammeh’s Appalling Human Rights Record”) by Alagi Yorro Jallow, who is a journalist and founding managing editor of the banned Independent newspaper in Gambia. He lives in the United States.He is a Nieman fellow at Harvard University. I copy it in full but draw especially attention to the underlined parts re HRDs. Would anybody really say this aloud? IF he stated this, how come there is so little reaction?

The Gambia today is neither complete dictatorship nor democracy, neither paradise nor complete hell; we are at a crossroad between “sembocracy” and “massala.” Under the leadership of President Yahya Jammeh and his APRC, the Gambia has descended into chaos. Its citizens live in fear of reprisal and harassment by government lackeys, its economy is in tatters, its media have been muzzled, and the social fabric of this once peaceful land is in danger of disintegration.

The sooner the African Commission gets out of the Gambia and dispenses with the inconveniences of history of how the Banjul Charter was developed, the better for practical human rights advocacy on the continent. The relocation of the African Commission would be a vote of no confidence in Jammeh’s administration of bad governance and human rights violation—one that I have long supported. Jammeh’s continued human rights abuses and poor governance portray that he feels that the Gambia and Gambians belong to him, and the presence of the Commission may seem to him and to some others as a supposed kernel of human rights promotion and protection in the Gambia. During the 64th session of the UN general assembly in New York, Jammeh explicitly threatened to kill human rights workers in the Gambia, including those visiting from elsewhere and people who cooperate with them. In a televised address, he stated:

“I will kill anyone who wants to destabilize this country. If you think that you can collaborate with so-called human rights defenders, and yet get away with it, you must be living in a dream world. I will kill you, and nothing will come out of it. We are not going to condone people, posing as human rights defenders to the detriment of the country. If you are affiliated with any human rights group, rest assured that your security and personal safety would not be guaranteed by my government. We are ready to kill saboteurs.”

The Gambia had previously recognized the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and is a member of the African Union, whose charter adopts universally accepted human rights including the rights to life and personal integrity, as well as freedom from cruel, inhumane, or degrading treatment or punishment. The African Union created the African Commission on Human and People’s Rights, with headquarters in Banjul, as the institution to promote and protect the human rights of individual and collective rights of peoples throughout Africa.

Unlike at the United Nations general assembly in America where America’s sworn enemies can fly in and challenge the United States on its shores, discussing the Gambia’s human rights record during meetings of the African Commission is strictly taboo.Thus, prominent human rights activists have been declared personae non grata for daring to shine a light on the Gambia’s poor human rights record. Many activists will simply not go to Gambia for fear of committing the ignominious sin of self-censorship, lest they risk being deported, when the voiceless suffer under the might of the powerful. Because of these human rights breaches, the continued presence of the headquarters of the African Commission in the Gambia is tantamount to condoning and even bankrolling a dictatorship.

Jammeh’s government look forward to the tourism revenue that the African Commission’s jamboree brings each year, which is used to finance flamboyant lifestyles and shield Gambians from worse repressions. In this way, the African Commission’s presence in Gambia legitimizes Jammeh’s acts of insanity.

Jammeh’s views have always been extreme, ever since he began to strive for power in Gambia, and recently they have only gotten worse. Below is an early statement made by Jammeh towards human rights defenders and journalists, where he accused some journalists and newspapers of printing half-truths and falsehoods which could create confusion and cause dissension in the society. He warned that the military would not tolerate instigation and innuendo calculated to create confusion for the Gambian people. In a show of his true feelings toward press freedom, even back then, he described journalists as the “illegitimate sons of Africa.” Below are the exact words of then Chairman of AFPRC Yahya  Jammeh in a public rally in 1994:

“The enemies of African progress, the illegitimate sons of this country disguise themselves in the form of journalists, in the form of freedom fighters, in the form of human rights activists BUT they are all illegitimate sons of Africa. Get rid of them. The so called journalists, they are very vulnerable. You can send them into the streets begging when you don’t buy their newspapers; they won’t function; they depend on you. Don’t allow the mosquito to suck your blood, father tell you no lie. One day I was looking at a something you call newspaper, and I saw a big headline: DETAINEES STILL DETAINED HERE. When I looked at the headline I said, Yeah, they are still detained here; what can you do about it? They talk about Human Rights, an issue they don’t even understand. And I will tell you what Human Rights stand for: it is an illusion, a fallacy that is non existent anywhere in this world; it is a western machination to manipulate Africa, and I will tell you each letter of Human Rights what it stands for. The H stands for Hoodwink. You all know what hoodwink is, to blindfold people! The U stands for the Universe. M stands for Manipulate! A stands for Africa, and N stands for African Nations! They hoodwink the universe, manipulate the African nations. The R stands for to rip you off; they rip you off of your gold. After hoodwinking the universe and manipulating African nations, they rip you off of ideals, so that Africans will have no ideals but will follow their exported ideology that is meant to create wars in Africa, famine and starvation. We will never accept that, to turn some Africans into stooges so that they can always continue to manipulate us. We the AFPRC are saying that we will die but we will never let them suck our blood again. Tell me any country where there is so called human rights and people are not executed; tell me in most of the so-called western types of human rights, those who uphold the so-called principle of democracy, when you go to their jails, Africans form the majority of all the inmates. What types of rights are they talking about? So you see the fallacy in human rights? We will never accept it. I told you I will not talk about traitors because they continue to hang themselves. They will run but they will never hide. Their days are numbered and they know about it. Anybody under the AFPRC who steals even a single dime, you can go to wherever you think you can be free, you will never sleep, and you will come home either dead or alive, but you will never enjoy this world and in the next world you will burn. And I will tell you, this is what the so-called champions of human rights, of course they are champions of human rights, because they are enemies of Africa. But I will tell you what your rights are: Your rights are to live in peace, equality and prosperity. Anything that belongs to the nation, belongs to all of us. We have a right to development As far as we are concerned, you are free as long as your freedom does not encroach upon the rights of others. If you encroach upon the rights of others, you can never be free and we can never respect you. The law is to deal with you. We are running a state. We are not running a financial company We are not running a cowboy camp. We are not running a hippy camp. What we are running is a nation of human beings, where people are equal. If you think that you are going to use outside ideology to disturb us, what you are going to face will be worse than death. Gambians, this is a warning to all Gambians. We are Africans, we are Gambians, we are soldiers. Any patriotic Gambian is a soldier because you defend this country against injustice. We have passed the stage of appealing to people. If you want to be a donkey, we will treat you like a double donkey. If you want to be a human being, we will treat you like a human being. There is no compromise, and no nation outside The Gambia can do anything about it. If you want to be free, don’t steal. If you want to be free, don’t be a crook. If you want to be a free man don’t advocate for violence. Because when violence comes your bones would be in the air. People think they can use pressure to force us into elections? We can tell you, if we don’t want election in the next thousand years there will be no election. And those who want election, we will makesure that you go six feet deep, and there is nothing anybody can do about it!”

Last year, Jammeh’s pseudo-electoral process, which confirmed him for his fourth consecutive term in office, was dismissed by the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) as not free and fair because of the high level of “intimidation, unacceptable level of control of the electronic media by his ruling party, the lack of neutrality of state and parastatal institutions, and an opposition and electorate cowed by repression and intimidation.” One of the sad things about the Gambia is that there is little room for alternative views and leadership to emerge as long as this dictatorial regime continues to lead the country. Ironically, in the Gambia the topic of human rights is discussed only when there is an African Commission on Human Rights in the Gambia but not if it were on the rest of the continent. The Gambia government does not give a damn about the commission and it has been reported that the Gambia government has not submitted its State party report for the past six years, even though it’s a basic treaty obligation. Again, though not respecting its obligation on human rights procedures, Gambia government has always been happy to offer the commission a traditional welcome banquet as part of its good will in hosting the body.

Before the military takeover by Jammeh, the Gambia was known as the “smiling coast,” a place of sunshine, hospitality and generosity. It was the custodian of the African Commission on Human and People’s Rights, where the country’s position as an advocate for human rights was on display. Soon afterward, the government brazenly contradicted its position through extrajudicial executions in a tragic betrayal of the Gambia’s obligations to freedom and human rights. Despite its many challenges and critics, the significance of the role played by the commission in the protection of human rights particularly through its interpretation and enforcement of the African Charter cannot be denied. It also remains indisputable as the main and most relevant human rights oversight body on the continent and the only one that provides direct access to an individual after he or she has exhausted all local remedies.

At the time, the African Commission was hosted in Gambia not only because the African Charter had been adopted in Banjul and headquartered there but because the Gambia’s adherence to international political and human rights norms was seen at the time as exemplary. It was thought that this commitment to human rights would ensure the Gambia as a good place to serve as headquarters to both the charter and commission.

In accepting the invitation to host the African Commission, the Gambian government agreed to guarantee the conditions and sustain an environment that would enable the norms and values of human rights and democracy to flourish. However, they have not kept this pledge.

Consequently, there have recently been more and more voices for the relocation of the commission’s headquarters from Banjul to a more suitable place, since many are again questioning the wisdom of keeping the commission in Gambia given the country’s appalling human rights record (including the recent executions and the government’s defiance of the commission’s recommendations).

President Jammeh is Africa’s forgotten dictator, and since he took power illegally in 1994 he has never considered giving it back. Although the Gambia has been relatively stable under Jammeh’s iron-fisted rule, poverty and human rights abuses remain high. According to 2010 World Bank figures, the Gambia’s gross national income per capita was only $450.

The real question is, how and for how long can the Gambian people continue to live under Jammeh’s “Tangal Cheeb” administration? Because as of yet we have no answer to this question, and because there is no immediate hope for the improvement of Gambian human rights in sight, relocation of the African Commission would be best not only for the country (because of the pressure it might put on the Gambian government to stop impeding human rights) but for the African continent as a whole.