Archive for the 'books' Category

Germany’s fear of being seen as antisemitic goes over the top

December 21, 2023

On 20 December 2023 Jakob Guhl posted in Index on Censorship a piece stating that German authorities are increasingly silencing pro-Palestine activism in an effort to stamp out anything they fear could be seen as antisemitic. He makes some excellent points (which apply also outside Germany):

..The seemingly isolated incidents highlighted in this article are piling up and the curtailing of civic space is starting to be noticed internationally: Civicus, which ranks countries by freedom of expression rights, recently downgraded Germany in a review from “open” to “restricted” due to repression of pro-Palestinian voices, as well as of climate activists…

There are long-standing disagreements around where to draw the line between legitimate criticism of Israel and attacks on Israel that single it out because it is a Jewish state, are expressed in antisemitic ways or are motivated by antisemitic views. For example, the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance (IHRA) definition of antisemitism acknowledges that “criticism of Israel similar to that levelled against any other country cannot be regarded as antisemitic” but identifies seven examples of when attacks on Israel may be antisemitic (taking into account the overall context). For example, it could be antisemitic to reference classic antisemitic tropes such as the blood libel conspiracy myth to describe Israel, deny the Jewish people’s right to self-determination or blame Jews collectively for the actions of Israel, according to IHRA.

While Germany has adopted IHRA, much looser standards seem to be applied by authorities and commentators committed to tackling Israel-related antisemitism. Calls for a binational state, advocacy for the Palestinian refugees’ right of return, support for Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions (BDS) or accusations that Israel is committing Apartheid are regularly identified as antisemitic. There is a strong sense that given its historical responsibility, it is not Germany’s place to judge, or let anyone else judge, Israel even as its offensive in Gaza has resulted in one of the highest rates of death in armed conflict since the beginning of the 21st century, and disproportionately affects civilians. [see also: https://humanrightsdefenders.blog/2021/01/18/israel-and-apartheid-israeli-human-rights-group-stirs-debate/]..

The debates since 7 October have created an atmosphere in which pro-Palestinian voices are more and more stigmatised. Pro-Palestinian protests have repeatedly been banned by local authorities. Their dystopian rationale for these bans revolves around the idea that, based on assessments of previous marches, crimes are likely to be committed by protesters. The practice is not new: in the past, German police have even banned protests commemorating the Nakba (Arabic for “catastrophe”), the collective mass expulsion and displacement of around 700,000 Palestinians from their homes during the 1947-49 wars following the adoption of the Partition Plan for Palestine by the United Nations. In reaction to pro-Palestine protests since 7 October, the antisemitism commissioner of North Rhine Westphalia and former federal justice minister even suggested the police should pay closer attention to the nationality of pro-Palestine protest organisers as protests organised by non-Germans could be banned more easily.

Furthermore, pro-Palestinian political symbols are being falsely associated with Hamas or other pro-terrorist organisations. In early November, the Federal Interior Ministry banned the chant “From the River to the Sea, Palestine will be free” as a symbol of both Hamas and Samidoun, a support network for the Marxist-Leninist Popular Front for Liberation of Palestine which has been designated as a terrorist organisation by the European Union.

While one plausible interpretation of the “From the River to the Sea” slogan is that it is a call for the destruction of Israel, it is equally plausible to understand it as a call for a binational state with full equality of all citizens. Without context, the slogan cannot automatically be identified as antisemitic, though it is of course entirely legitimate to criticise this ambivalence. As has been extensively documented, the slogan does not originate with nor is exclusively used by Hamas.

Apart from being based on misinformation, banning “From the River to the Sea” has also created the ludicrous situation that the German police force is asked to make assessments on whether holding a “From the River we do see nothing like equality” placard is an expression of support for terrorism. A former advisor to Angela Merkel even called for the German citizenship of a previously stateless Palestinian woman to be revoked who posted a similar slogan (“From the River to the Sea #FreePalestine”) on her Instagram.

In some cases, these dynamics venture into the absurd. On 14 October, the activist Iris Hefets was temporarily detained in Berlin for holding a placard that read: “As a Jew & an Israeli Stop the Genocide in Gaza.”

These illiberal and ill-conceived measures are not limited to protests. In response to the 7 October attacks, authorities in Berlin allowed schools to ban students from wearing keffiyeh scarves to not “endanger school peace”.

Curtailing civic spaces

While these trends have been accelerated since 7 October, they predate it. In 2019, the German Bundestag passed a resolution that condemned the BDS movement as antisemitic. It referenced the aforementioned IHRA definition of antisemitism (which does not comment on boycotts), compared the BDS campaign to the Nazi boycotts of Jewish business and called on authorities to no longer fund groups or individuals that support BDS.

BDS calls for the boycott of Israeli goods, divestment from companies involved in the occupation of Arab territories and sanctions to force the Israeli government to comply with international law and respect the rights of Palestinians, including the right of return for Palestinian refugees. Inspired by the boycott campaign against Apartheid South Africa, BDS has attracted many supporters, but critics have claimed that BDS singles out Israel and delegitimises its existence. Accusations of antisemitism within the movement should of course be taken seriously: BDS supporters have previously been accused of employing antisemitic rhetoric about malign Jewish influence and intimidating Jewish students on campus. However, many of BDS’ core demands are clearly not antisemitic. Since the BDS lacks a central leadership that would issue official stances, it is difficult to make blanket statements about the movement in its entirety.

The 2019 resolution is now being cited to shut down cultural events. A planned exhibition in Essen on Afrofuturism was cancelled over social media posts that, according to the museum, “do not acknowledge the terroristic attack of the Hamas and consider the Israeli military operation in Gaza a genocide” and expressed support for BDS. The Frankfurt book fair “indefinitely postponed” a literary prize for the Palestinian author Adania Shibli, after one member of the jury resigned due to supposed anti-Israel and antisemitic themes in her book. Shibli has since been accused by the left-wing Taz newspaper of being an “engaged BDS supporter” for having signed one BDS letter in 2007 and a 2019 letter that criticised the city of Dortmund for revoking another literary price for an author that supports BDS. A presentation by the award-winning Forensic Architecture research group at Goldsmiths (University of London), which has analysed human rights abuses in SyriaVenezuela and Palestine as well as Neo-Nazi murders in Germany, was likewise cancelled by the University of Aachen which cited the group’s founder Eyal Weizman’s support for BDS.

The curtailing of civic space increasingly affects voices that have stood up for human rights at great personal risk. The Syrian opposition activist Wafa Ali Mustafa was detained by Berlin police near a pro-Palestine protest, reportedly for wearing a keffiyeh scarf. Similarly, the Heinrich-Böll-Stiftung, which is associated with the centre-left Green Party, pulled out of the Hannah Arendt prize ceremony, which was due to be awarded to the renowned Russian dissident, philosopher and human rights advocate Masha Gessen. Despite acknowledging differences between the two, Gessen had compared Gaza to the Jewish ghettoes in Nazi-occupied Europe in an article about the politics of memory in Germany, the Soviet Union, Russia, Poland, Ukraine, Hungary and Israel.

Conversation stoppers

Alarm bells should ring as one of Europe’s major liberal democracies has taken an authoritarian turn in the aftermath of 7 October. Germany’s noble commitment to its historical responsibility in the face of rising antisemitism is morphing into a suppression of voices advocating for Palestinian political self-determination and human rights.

In this distorted reality, civic spaces are eroded, cultural symbols banned, political symbols falsely conflated with support for terrorism and events are shut down. So far, there has been little pushback or critical debate about these worrying developments. To the contrary: politicians, foundations, cultural institutions and media outlets seem to be closing ranks under the shadow of the 2019 BDS resolution and a skewed interpretation of the IHRA definition.

Following the appalling violence committed by Hamas on 7 October, and the scale of civilian suffering in Gaza due to the subsequent Israeli military offensive, polarisation and tension between communities have been on the rise. In this context, it is crucial to be able to have passionate, empathetic, controversial and nuanced discussions about the conflict, its history, the present impasse, potential ways forward and its impact on Jewish, Muslim and Arab communities abroad. With the voices of activists, authors and even internationally renowned human rights advocates being increasingly isolated, these vital exchanges are prevented from taking place.

https://www.indexoncensorship.org/2023/12/from-the-danube-to-the-baltic-sea-germany-takes-an-authoritarian-turn/

UDHR@75: how UNDP sees itself ensuring rights for all

December 11, 2023
Children smiling
Photo: UNDP Zimbabwe

On 8 December, 2023 the United Nations lead agency on international development, UNDP, posted its commitment to human rights:

..Protecting our rights to do so was enshrined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights 75 years ago, and it has been our North Star for human rights ever since.  The past three years have been defined by crises on a global scale. Conflict is at its highest since the Second World War. From Gaza to Ukraine, Sudan and Myanmar, people’s right to live without fear is being undermined. Climate change, brought about by humanity’s own actions, is stripping away the right of our children to a healthy and prosperous future. The COVID-19 pandemic brought to stark light the value of the right to health for all.  

Three-quarters of a century on, we are at an important inflection point, where we must recalibrate and reconnect with the principles of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights if we want to shape a future that lives up to its vision.  Doing so will not be easy. It will require action across many different spheres of life. Recognizing this, UNDP is prioritizing seven key areas where it is working to strengthen human rights. 

Dignity and equality of rights is needed for all people and the rights of people living in crisis and conflict must be assured 

If we don’t invest in human rights, we won’t achieve the Sustainable Development Goals 

Ninety percent of Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) targets align with the obligations outlined in international human rights frameworks.  However, halfway to the 2030 deadline, development progress and the realization of Agenda 2030 is under threat due to the combined impacts of climate change, conflict, overlapping energy, food and economic shocks, and lingering COVID-19 effects. Human rights can be part of proactive solutions helping to address contemporary development challenges and pushing progress towards Agenda 2030.  By adopting a human rights-based approach, UNDP is working to ensure that no one is left behind as we strive for sustainable development. For example, UNDP has worked to promote synergies between human rights and SDG systems in eight countries, including Sierra Leone, Uruguay and Pakistan, boosting both the efficiency and effectiveness of national efforts to advance human rights and sustainable development. 

Human rights defenders must be able to speak out without fear 

Human rights defenders face alarming threats, including intimidation and reprisals, in the pursuit of a goal that should be a shared aspiration for all – the creation of fair and peaceful societies.  In 2022, there was a 40 percent increase in the killings of human rights defenders, journalists, and trade unionists compared to 2021.  UNDP works with civil society, human rights defenders and national human rights institutions around the world to ensure those that want to speak out have the freedom to do so. In Thailand, UNDP conducted a study looking into the protection of human rights defenders at the request of the Ministry of Justice.  

Young people must be included in efforts to protect the rights of future generations 

There are 1.2 billion young people in the world today, and UNDP recognizes the important role they play as positive agents of change. 

Private sector has an important role to play 

Business can be a powerful driver of sustainable development, offering access to social and economic opportunities and a pathway to prosperity for many.  

Human rights and the environment are interconnected 

In the next 25 years, building resilience to biodiversity loss and climate change will be key to the realization of all human rights – including the right to a clean, healthy and sustainable environment.  

Digital technology must unite, not divide 

Technology can be a great enabler of equality and development by improving connectivity, financial inclusion, and public services, positively impacting the realization of human rights.  But it can also have a dangerous downside, exacerbating existing inequalities and vulnerabilities. While over 80 percent of developed countries have access to the internet, only 36 percent of individuals in least-developed countries are online.  UNDP puts human rights at the centre of its Digital Strategy, and supports countries to harness digital technology as a means to advocate for, protect, access, report on, and exercise human rights…

https://www.undp.org/stories/ensuring-rights-all-rapidly-changing-world

Universal human rights drowning in geopolitical rivalry between US and China

December 9, 2023

On 8 December, 2023 Jake Werner – Acting Director of the East Asia program at the wrote an interesting piece “Outrage Without Strategy Means Failure on China and Human Rights”. It makes in my view some very valid points, see for yourself:

The deplorable human rights record of the Chinese government has long featured in U.S. political discourse as an example of that venerable trope, the heroic individual demanding freedom from the tyrannical state. U.S. leaders quite naturally align themselves with the advocates of freedom, coming to their aid by repudiating and punishing their tormentors.

The antagonism between civil society and the state highlighted in this view is undeniably true, but this truth is only partial. Its seeming clarity threatens to obscure the complexities of Chinese politics and U.S.–China relations in ways that may produce counterproductive responses.

The political journey of a friend of mine in recent years illustrates dynamics excluded from the conventional human rights framing. I first met Zhao (a pseudonym) a decade ago while doing research in Shanghai, when both of us were grad students interested in leftist politics. I joined a reading group he was running with other Chinese grad students and we discussed ideas that posed a deep challenge to Chinese social and political inequalities.

In the years since, his critical energies have increasingly flowed away from inequalities within China to focus instead on the inequality between what he sees as a domineering United States and a victimized China. Increasingly he deems the Chinese government as the champion of the beleaguered Chinese people, whose opportunity to rise in wealth and status is being harshly circumscribed by jealous American leaders. To him, “human rights” is a fig leaf for the defense of naked U.S. power and a feature of western culture foisted on countries like China, whose level of development makes it inappropriate.

It was not state propaganda that moved Zhao in this direction — when we first connected he was already perfectly capable of seeing through official Communist Party narratives. Instead, it was heavy–handed U.S. behavior, tendentious U.S. narratives that refuse to give any credit to the Chinese system, and the glaring hypocrisy of American leaders harshly condemning Chinese abuses while remaining silent on the abuses of countries U.S. leaders are cultivating to counter China.

From Zhao’s experience, we can discern additional truths: that U.S. human rights rhetoric is not impartial but is a feature of geopolitical rivalry; that this fact threatens to discredit the whole idea of human rights in the eyes of many Chinese; that the Chinese government strategy of casting human rights defenders as agents of U.S. power rather than advocates of universal values may in the process find considerable success among Chinese citizens.

Yet Zhao’s truths are also selective. Other friends of mine bear witness to the reality not only of Chinese government repression but the dramatic expansion of that repression in both quantitative and qualitative terms over the last decade. The labor activist forced to move to Hong Kong to continue his work after the crackdown on worker rights, only to be hounded from Hong Kong when the mainland government crushed its democracy movement. The Uyghur scholar detained under atrocious conditions, forced to recite loyalty oaths that only poisoned him against the regime. The feminist activists studying overseas, wracked with fear that even outside the country they will suffer terrible consequences for criticizing officials’ increasingly open misogynistic policies.

The vision of human freedom and dignity expressed in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights provides a standard against which to judge the Chinese political system. Many of those same principles are enshrined in the Chinese constitution, making the argument that they are alien to Chinese culture untenable. By both measures, the Chinese government falls far short.

Yet neither document provides a strategy to achieve human freedom and dignity. In formulating such a strategy, moral truths are necessary but inadequate. The truths of power politics and psychological dynamics must be incorporated as well.

We in America need to reflect on some uncomfortable truths. As much as we might wish to see ourselves as an agent of global justice, other countries and their citizens do not always share this view. The conflict with China is not only an ethical dispute but is also a power struggle over which country will dominate East Asia militarily and the world economically. The United States is not just criticizing Chinese repression, but is actively seeking to limit China’s global influence.

Where does this leave U.S. policy on China? First, deploying human rights as a resource in geopolitical conflict is more likely to inspire cynicism around the idea of human rights than it is to vindicate the claim to higher values.

Second, because geopolitics makes national rivalry the most salient axis of political conflict, it is singularly ill–suited to advancing the human rights project. A geopolitics focused on U.S. global primacy encourages an alignment between China’s government and the Chinese people against threatening foreign forces. Under such circumstances, Chinese leaders are more likely to see those within China who defend human rights as the agents of alien ideas and alien interests, and can more convincingly portray them as such. Linking human rights efforts to geopolitical conflict strengthens those forces in China and the United States that are most hostile to human rights — forces such as nationalism, xenophobia, and militarism.

A U.S. strategy on human rights in China should begin by reducing the prominence of geopolitical division in U.S.–China relations. This would help to shape a domestic environment in China (and the United States) that would open space for human rights advocacy. America’s longstanding punitive and coercive approach to human rights promotion has failed everywhere it has been tried. The danger of such an approach is magnified in a moment when great power tension threatens to spin out of control.

It is more urgent than ever to formulate a more strategic approach. By stepping away from the commitment to global primacy as the centerpiece of U.S. foreign policy, a foreign policy of restraint offers new ways to approach human rights that avoid the pitfalls of associating universal rights with the power machinations of specific countries.

See also: https://humanrightsdefenders.blog/2011/03/08/ngos-in-china-and-europe-just-published-contains-fascinating-information/

https://quincyinst.org/2023/12/08/addressing/

A sombre reminder: homicide a bigger killer than armed conflict and terrorism combined

December 8, 2023
Globally, homicide is a bigger killer than armed conflict and terrorism combined.

© Unsplash/David von Diemar

On Friday 8 December 2023 the UN Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) said that more people were killed due to homicide than armed conflict and terrorism combined in 2021, with an average of 52 lives lost per hour worldwide. The Global Study on Homicide analyzes the complex dynamics behind these violent deaths and includes a special section on how organized crime is driving death rates up in Latin America and the Caribbean.

The report examines homicides related to criminal activities and interpersonal conflict, as well as “socio-politically motivated homicides” such as the deliberate killing of human rights defenders, humanitarian workers and journalists.

UNODC chief Ghada Waly said the loss of thousands of lives each year to homicide is “a sombre reminder” of the collective failure of the international community to reduce all forms of violence by 2030, in line with the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). The report revealed that during the period from 2019 to 2021, an average of roughly 440,000 deaths worldwide were due to homicide – more than conflict-related or terrorist killings combined. 

UNODC said 2021 “was an exceptionally lethal year”, marked by 458,000 homicides.  The spike was in part linked to economic repercussions from the COVID-19 pandemic and to a rise in organized crime and gang-related and socio-political violence in several countries.

Organized crime accounted for 22 per cent of homicides globally, and 50 per cent in the Americas, where competition among organized crime groups and gangs can spark a sudden and sharp rise in “intentional homicides”, as has happened in Ecuador and Haiti.

The Americas also lead the world in highest regional homicide rate per capita, with 15 per 100,000 population in 2021, or 154,000 people.

Africa had the highest absolute number of homicides at 176,000, or 12.7 per 100,000 population, “and available data suggests that the homicide rate is not falling, even as decreases have been registered in other regions,” the report said.  Meanwhile rates in Asia, Europe and Oceania were far below the global per capita average of 5.8 per 100,000 population in 2021.

Firearms were used in most killings in the Americas in 2021, or roughly 75 per cent, whereas in Europe and Asia they were involved in 17 and 18 per cent of homicides, respectively. 

Men accounted for 81 per cent of homicide victims and 90 per cent of suspects, but women are more likely to be killed by family members or intimate partners. “Although they represent 19 per cent of homicide victims in total, they account for 54 per cent of all killings in the home and 66 per cent of all victims of intimate partner killings,” UNODC said. 

Aid workers under attack 

The data also showed that the deliberate killings of human rights defenders, environmental defenders, community leaders, journalists, and aid workers represented nine per cent of global homicides. “The threat has increased for humanitarian aid workers, who witnessed a higher average number of fatalities over the period 2017-2022 than 2010-2016,” the authors said. 

https://news.un.org/en/story/2023/12/1144392

UDHR@75: how to do better in the future – a view from the Open Society Foundations

December 7, 2023

On 5 December 2023, Natalie Samarasinghe – global director for advocacy at the Open Society Foundations. – wrote about strengthening human rights based on David Griffiths’ paper, Barometer in Context: Strengthening the Human Rights System.

….But this is not the whole story. The Open Society Barometer, a poll of over 36,000 people in a representative group of countries, found that most people believe in the value of human rights. Over 70 percent said that human rights “reflect the values I believe in” and are “a force for good” in the world.

Actors such as human rights lawyers, NGOs, and international organizations continue to provide hope, support, and redress to those seeking justice and protection. And they are joined by a growing cohort of others, from rural communities to indigenous peoples, political and social movements. They may not use the language of rights but their work is grounded in them. They cannot afford to have theoretical debates about the relevance of the UDHR. They need support and solutions.

To mark the UDHR’s anniversary, Open Society commissioned a paper on what those solutions might look like, written by David Griffiths, an advocate and policy expert with more than two decades of diverse experience across the human rights movement. His paper, Barometer in Context: Strengthening the Human Rights System, sets out a series of proposals for how to make this moment count, including prioritizing economic inequality and climate change, exposing the failure of authoritarians to deliver, defending civic space, rethinking migration, widening accountability, and strengthening the human rights system.

Drawing on 18 months of research and material from at least 65 interviews with people from all parts of the world, as well as the Open Society Barometer, these proposals provide inspiration for those of us approaching this anniversary with a heavy heart. It is vital that we avoid paralysis and gloom, which only plays into the hands of abusers and authoritarians.

We must become more creative in how we support those defending rights, whether they are in the courtroom or community center, or on the streets marching for debt relief and climate justice. We must invest in the leaders and tools of tomorrow, instead of playing catch-up with authoritarians, while doubling down on our backing for traditional actors and approaches that continue to deliver results.

And now more than ever, we must nurture a global movement—of the sort that was not possible in 1948—to reaffirm the simple truth that lies at the heart of the Declaration: that all human beings are equal, that every life has value.

https://www.opensocietyfoundations.org/voices/75-years-of-the-universal-declaration-of-human-rights

CIVICUS 2023: almost one third of humanity now lives in countries with ‘closed’ civic space

December 7, 2023

The CIVICUS Monitor, which tracks freedom of association, peaceful assembly and expression in 198 countries and territories, announced in a new report – “People Power Under Attack 2023” – that almost one third of humanity now lives in countries with ‘closed’ civic space.

This is the highest percentage –30.6% of the world’s population– living in the most restrictive possible environment since CIVICUS Monitor’s first report in 2018. Meanwhile, just 2.1% of people live in ‘open’ countries, where civic space is both free and protected, the lowest percentage yet and almost half the rate of six years ago.

We are witnessing an unprecedented global crackdown on civic space,” said CIVICUS Monitor lead researcher Marianna Belalba Barreto. “The world is nearing a tipping point where repression, already widespread, becomes dominant. Governments and world leaders must work urgently to reverse this downward path before it is too late.

The CIVICUS Monitor rates each country’s civic space conditions based on data collected throughout the year from country-focused civil society activists, regionally-based research teams, international human rights indices and the Monitor’s own in-house experts. The data from these four separate sources are then combined to assign each country a rating as either ‘open,’ ‘narrowed,’ ‘obstructed,’ ‘repressed’ or ‘closed.’

Seven countries saw their ratings drop this year. These include Venezuela and Bangladesh, each now rated ‘closed’ due to intensifications of existing crackdowns on activists, journalists and civil society.

Democratic countries slipped too. Europe’s largest democracy, Germany, fell from ‘open’ to ‘narrowed’ amid protest bans and targeting of environmental activists. Bosnia & Herzegovina also declined to ‘obstructed,’ the twelfth European country downgraded since 2018.

One of 2023’s most dramatic slides occurred in Senegal, once considered among West Africa’s most stable democracies. Senegal entered the ‘repressed’ category amid sustained government persecution of protesters, journalists and opposition ahead of February elections.

“The range of countries where authorities restricted citizen participation in 2023 shows clampdowns are not isolated incidents but are part of a global pattern,” said Belalba. “A global backslide requires a global response. If citizens are not able to freely gather, organise and speak out, the world will not be able to solve inequality, confront the climate crisis and bring an end to war and conflict.”

CIVICUS Monitor data shows that worldwide, authorities target people’s freedom of expression above all else. Half of all documented violations in 2023 targeted free speech, with incidents ranging from a bombing outside a journalist’s house in Indonesia, the arrest of the head of a radio station in Tunisia and police pepper-spraying a reporter covering a protest in the United States.

Our research also reveals that intimidation is the number one tactic to restrict citizen freedoms. Human rights defenders, activists and media experienced intimidation in at least 107 countries. Media in particular bear the brunt, with 64% of incidents targeting journalists.

Despite these alarming trends, People Power Under Attack 2023 highlights areas of progress too. Timor-Leste’s civic space moved up to the second best rating ‘narrowed’ from ‘obstructed,’ reflecting the country’s commitment to fundamental freedoms. Four other countries saw ratings improve, though they remain in ‘repressed’ or ‘obstructed’ zones.

The report also details bright spots where countries made steps toward opening societies. Among these, Fiji repealed a restrictive media law. The Kenyan courts recognised the right of LGBTQI+ people to associate. Even Tajikistan, rated ‘closed,’ created a national human rights strategy with civil society input. Still, these and other improvements remain halting and often disconnected compared to widespread repression.

“These small steps show that even amid unprecedented restrictions, civil society is pushing back,” said Belalba. “These courageous acts of resistance by active citizens and civil society organisations give us hope that the downward trend is not permanent and can be reversed.”

See also: https://humanrightsdefenders.blog/2022/01/18/2021-global-data-report-from-the-civicus-monitor/

To access the full CIVICUS Monitor report, please visit monitor.civicus.org

https://www.rfa.org/english/news/vietnam/vietnam-civicus-report-12072023001010.html

Report of the High Representative of the EU: 2022 annual report on human rights

August 11, 2023

2023 will see the 75th anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and 30 years since the adoption of the Vienna Declaration and Programme of Action as well as the 25th Anniversary of the UN Declaration on human rights defenders [see also: https://humanrightsdefenders.blog/2023/06/20/side-event-on-the-25th-anniversary-of-the-un-declaration-on-human-rights-defenders/].

These anniversaries come at a challenging moment says the EU in publishing the 2022 edition of its Annual Report on Human Rights and Democracy in the World. (see: https://humanrightsdefenders.blog/2022/04/20/eus-report-on-human-rights-2021/).

What is special is that the report is not a country overview but thematic, including this paragraph on HRDs:

Assistance to human rights defenders through both political and
financial means is one of the flagship EU human rights activities,
having a direct impact on individuals, groups and organisations
defending human rights.
In 2022, human rights defenders continued to face threats and
attacks such as killings, arbitrary detention, smear campaigns or
judicial harassment. They are also increasingly victims of illegal
online surveillance, transnational repression or criminalisation due
to ill-motivated “foreign agent” or counterterrorism laws.
To counter this trend, the EU raised specific cases of human rights
defenders at risk in all its human rights dialogues, subcommittee
meetings and consultations (e.g. dialogue with Colombia or India).
The protection of human rights defenders was also discussed in EU-
supported civil society seminars preceding human rights dialogues
(e.g. EU-Brazil and EU-Mexico seminars). The EU also continued to
make its voice heard with public statements and declarations to
support human rights defenders at risk (for instance on cases in Iran,
Russia, or Mexico). Global support for human rights defenders was
voiced by The High Representative on the occasion of the World NGO
Day in February 2022 and during the 24th EU-NGO Forum on Human
Rights in December 2022.
EU Delegations and Member States’ embassies engaged and met
with human rights defenders, monitored trials, and visited human
rights defenders in detention. Annual meetings between EU
diplomats and human rights defenders have become an established
practice in non-EU countries, increasing the visibility of human rights
defenders where appropriate and allowing for in-depth analysis of
the challenges they face. Some EU Delegations provided awards to
Human Rights Defenders (for instance in Uganda).
The support and protection of human rights defenders is also
a priority for the EUSR for Human Rights. Throughout 2022,
the EUSR continued to raise individual cases of human rights
defenders, particularly those in long-term detention, and to meet
with human rights defenders, both in Brussels and during country
visits. He availed of every opportunity to express support and
solidarity directly to the defenders themselves or their families. He
raised specific cases during visits to several countries, including
India, Uganda, Pakistan, Egypt and Colombia and in other bilateral
contacts, notably with Cuba and Brazil. He also participated in a
number of high profile events aimed at raising awareness and
visibility around their work and the need for their protection, such
as the ProtectDefenders.eu beneficiary meeting in September, or
the Front Line Defenders Dublin Platform in October. The EUSR was
very active on individual cases on social media, notably regarding
Belarus. He also highlighted the situation of Palestinian prisoners on
hunger-strike and their deteriorating health conditions.
The EU remained active in multilateral fora in particular in the
United Nations Human Rights Council and the United Nations
General Assembly. The EU actively collaborated with the UN Special
Rapporteur on the situation of human rights defenders, regularly
exchanging information on cases and thematic priorities. The EU
advocated for the recognition of human rights defenders in several
UN General Assembly resolutions. At the Human Rights Council, the
EU highlighted the critical role that human rights defenders play
in the protection and promotion of human rights and spoke out in
their defence inter alia during the interactive dialogues with several
Special Procedures.””Assistance to human rights defenders through both political and
financial means is one of the flagship EU human rights activities,
having a direct impact on individuals, groups and organisations
defending human rights.
In 2022, human rights defenders continued to face threats and
attacks such as killings, arbitrary detention, smear campaigns or
judicial harassment. They are also increasingly victims of illegal
online surveillance, transnational repression or criminalisation due
to ill-motivated “foreign agent” or counterterrorism laws.
To counter this trend, the EU raised specific cases of human rights
defenders at risk in all its human rights dialogues, subcommittee
meetings and consultations (e.g. dialogue with Colombia or India).
The protection of human rights defenders was also discussed in EU-
supported civil society seminars preceding human rights dialogues
(e.g. EU-Brazil and EU-Mexico seminars). The EU also continued to
make its voice heard with public statements and declarations to
support human rights defenders at risk (for instance on cases in Iran,
Russia, or Mexico). Global support for human rights defenders was
voiced by The High Representative on the occasion of the World NGO
Day in February 2022 and during the 24th EU-NGO Forum on Human
Rights in December 2022.
EU Delegations and Member States’ embassies engaged and met
with human rights defenders, monitored trials, and visited human
rights defenders in detention. Annual meetings between EU
diplomats and human rights defenders have become an established
practice in non-EU countries, increasing the visibility of human rights
defenders where appropriate and allowing for in-depth analysis of
the challenges they face. Some EU Delegations provided awards to
Human Rights Defenders (for instance in Uganda).
The support and protection of human rights defenders is also
a priority for the EUSR for Human Rights. Throughout 2022,
the EUSR continued to raise individual cases of human rights
defenders, particularly those in long-term detention, and to meet
with human rights defenders, both in Brussels and during country
visits. He availed of every opportunity to express support and
solidarity directly to the defenders themselves or their families. He
raised specific cases during visits to several countries, including
India, Uganda, Pakistan, Egypt and Colombia and in other bilateral
contacts, notably with Cuba and Brazil. He also participated in a
number of high profile events aimed at raising awareness and
visibility around their work and the need for their protection, such
as the ProtectDefenders.eu beneficiary meeting in September, or
the Front Line Defenders Dublin Platform in October. The EUSR was
very active on individual cases on social media, notably regarding
Belarus. He also highlighted the situation of Palestinian prisoners on
hunger-strike and their deteriorating health conditions.
The EU remained active in multilateral fora in particular in the
United Nations Human Rights Council and the United Nations
General Assembly. The EU actively collaborated with the UN Special
Rapporteur on the situation of human rights defenders, regularly
exchanging information on cases and thematic priorities. The EU
advocated for the recognition of human rights defenders in several
UN General Assembly resolutions. At the Human Rights Council, the
EU highlighted the critical role that human rights defenders play
in the protection and promotion of human rights and spoke out in
their defence inter alia during the interactive dialogues with several
Special Procedures.

Other sections specially relevant for HRDs include:

The death penalty…………………………………………………………………………………………….page.21
Torture and other cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or
punishment……………………………………………………………………………………………………………. 24
Freedom of religion or belief ………………………………………………………………………..33
Human rights of persons belonging to minorities………………………………. 38
Gender equality ………………………………………………………………………………………………..40
LGBTI ……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………..50
Migration and mobility – migrants, refugees and asylum seekers ..59
Empowering women ……………………………………………………………………………………….62
Rights of indigenous peoples …………………………………………………………….. 75
Freedom of expression ………………………………………………………………………..78
Safety and protection of journalists…………………………………………………. 80
Countering disinformation, hate speech, extremist and terrorist
content………………………………………………………………………………………………………. 81
Academic freedom and protection of the academic community at
risk…………………………………………………………………………………………………………….. 84
Labour rights ……………………………………………………………………………………………………… 90

Support to Human Rights Defenders in the Digital Sphere ……………..175

ISHR documents cases of reprisals in 23 countries for UN Submission

May 12, 2023

On 17 April 2023, ISHR sent its annual submission to the report of the UN Secretary-General on reprisals and intimidation against defenders engaging or seeking to engage with the UN and its human rights mechanisms. The submission presents a disturbing pattern of intimidation and reprisals in 23 countries.

ISHR’s annual submission to the report of the UN Secretary-General on reprisals demonstrates the need for the UN and States to do more to prevent and ensure accountability for intimidation and reprisals against human rights defenders and others cooperating or seeking to cooperate with the UN and its human rights mechanisms. ISHR’s submission outlines developments in the international human rights system, and documents a number of new cases, as well as follow-up on previously submitted cases.

In order for the international human rights system to function to its fullest potential, human rights defenders must be able to share crucial information and perspectives, safely and unhindered. However, many defenders still face unacceptable risks and are unable to cooperate safely with the UN.” Madeleine Sinclair, New York Office Co-Director and Legal Counsel. “The vast majority of cases remain unresolved year after year. More must be done to ensure the efforts to document and address reprisals cases also include sustained and consistent follow up. Otherwise, the cost of carrying out reprisals remains too low, impunity reigns and perpetrators are further emboldened“.

The submission presents a disturbing pattern of intimidation and reprisals in 23 countries, with the addition this year of Algeria and France. Cases of reprisals featured in the submission range from States defaming and stigmatising defenders, to criminalising their work, but also to arbitrarily detaining, arresting and killing them. 

  • In Israel, Palestinian defenders face ongoing intimidation and repression as reprisals for their cooperation with UN human rights mechanisms.
  • In Bahrain, the situation still shows no signs of improving, with human rights defenders continuing to be arbitrarily detained and denied timely and adequate medical treatment by the government.
  • In Algeria, Andorra, Cameroon and India defenders continue to be criminalised.
  • In China defenders are still facing online surveillance, harassment and enforced disappearance.
  • In Egypt, the United Arab Emirates, Venezuela and Yemen many more defenders face arbitrary detention, ill-treatment and criminalisation.  

Other cases of reprisals include threats, harassment, hate speech, surveillance, property damage, disbarment, death threats, travel bans, enforced disappearances, unjustified raids, dissolution of associations, judicial harassment, smear campaigns, forced deportations, confiscation of travel documents, red tagging, denial of healthcare and family visits as well as accusations of terrorism, among others. Other countries cited in the report include cases in the Andorra, Bahamas, Bangladesh, Burundi, Djibouti, Equatorial Guinea, France, The Maldives, Morocco, Nicaragua, The Philippines, Russia, and Thailand.

ISHR also submitted follow-up information on a large number of cases, demonstrating that incidents of reprisals and intimidation are very rarely, if ever, adequately resolved.

This year, ISHR is running again its #EndReprisals campaign. The campaign will raise the profile of 6 cases (all included in the submission) and seek to achieve a more sustained attention on the issue of reprisals and follow-up of the cases throughout the UN system. In particular, we want the UN Secretary General to include all the reprisal and intimidation cases in his upcoming report and UN member States to use the opportunity of the interactive dialogue at the Human Rights Council on the Secretary-General’s report in September, as well as Item 5 debates at all sessions, to raise specific cases and hold their peers accountable. 

Read the report

Advisory Council on International Affairs of Netherlands issues report recommending change in human rights policy

May 9, 2023


On 9 April 2021, the Advisory Council on International Affairs (AIV) received from the Dutch
government a request for advice on human rights in a changing world. The basic premise of
the request was that the multilateral system, as it has developed since the Second World War,
is increasingly under pressure. In the government’s view, autocratic tendencies are eroding the
multilateral system from within, and this is having a clear impact on human rights.
The request for advice draws attention to several troubling developments. The basic principles
enshrined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (human dignity, universality, equality/non-
discrimination and indivisibility) are being challenged more and more frequently, not only outside
the EU but also within it. Due to the rapidly growing influence of autocratically governed states, the
preconditions defined by the Netherlands for pursuing an effective international human rights policy,
such as space for civil society, cooperation with like-minded partners and the proper functioning of
multilateral instruments, are under pressure.

Summary:
….In this advisory report of 28 June 2022, the AIV aims to set out a path – in both conceptional and operational terms
– for Dutch human rights policy abroad. To this end, it is important to have a good understanding of
how the human rights system came into being and how it has come under pressure in recent decades.
….Historical analysis shows that the relevance of the human rights system has increased in recent
decades. Although the universality and legitimacy of the ideas in question are a source of constant
debate, empirical research demonstrates to what extent – and under what circumstances – human
rights make a difference. The AIV believes that the universality of human rights should be the central
focus but it cannot be equated with uniformity in the implementation of those rights. [see also: https://humanrightsdefenders.blog/2019/11/17/rescuing-human-rights-another-way-of-re-assessing-human-rights/]For many
states, cultural and historical differences have helped shape their varying approaches to human rights.
In fact, universality in the sense of universal acceptance of human rights is actually enhanced and
promoted when cultural diversity is acknowledged.
Despite all these achievements, the multilateral human rights system is under serious pressure.
The beginning of the 21st century was a turning point in this regard. During this period, various
events and developments concurred to undermine and erode the multilateral system and the human
rights system that had developed over the previous fifty years. These events and developments include
9/11 and the ‘war on terror’, the success and subsequent stagnation of democratic developments and
the resulting pressure on civil society, new geopolitical relations, the impact of globalisation and
challenges within the human rights system itself.
After 11 September 2001, the war on terror in Afghanistan and later in Iraq gave rise to practices
that were sometimes at odds with international law. As a result, the West in particular was accused
of applying double standards. In addition, while pro-democracy movements in the Arab world
and elsewhere achieved successes (thanks in part to social media), they also prompted regimes to
respond with repression against civil society and human rights defenders. Alongside a rapid rise in
China’s economic, military and political power and self-assurance, the United States’ international
involvement was foundering (a trend which intensified later under President Trump) and the Russian
Federation became increasingly repressive. In the midst of these geopolitical developments, the EU
proved unable to play a significant enough role to prevent the decline of the human rights acquis.
Furthermore, the wave of neoliberal globalisation, which was initially regarded as having a positive
economic and social impact, also turned out to have negative effects. Both externally and beyond
doubt internally, the West was increasingly confronted with rising income and wealth inequality at
national level, the growing power of multinational corporations, and the intractable misuse of social
media by governments, organisations and individuals.
In addition, the human rights system itself faced considerable obstacles: the indivisibility of
political, civil, social, economic and cultural rights was not adequately guaranteed and new positive
developments, such as the adoption of the Sustainable Development Goals, did not make their
human rights component explicit enough. Human rights instruments were further undermined by
overextension and insufficient funding, which negatively impacted their effectiveness.
Due in part to these developments, the unanimously accepted principle of the universality of human
rights was put in jeopardy, partly because states increasingly expressed reservations about the
principle and partly because a growing number of autocratic, repressive states appeared to have little
or no interest in the human rights acquis.
Nevertheless, there have also been some positive developments. New and in some cases global non-
governmental movements made up of non-traditional actors, often including young participants,
are standing up for social justice and human rights. Businesses are taking a more active approach to
showing respect for and promoting human rights, on their own initiative or as a result of external
pressure. Professional associations and networks are increasingly cooperating at global level to
protect human rights. The EU’s human rights instruments are becoming stronger and more
sophisticated in response to external threats and internal negative tendencies in countries such as
Hungary and Poland. Finally, a new approach to human rights has taken hold at national and local
level, for example in the form of national human rights institutes.
In contrast to the aforementioned political and social changes and threats, these developments create
new opportunities for the realisation of human rights around the world. However, the question is
how the Dutch government should take advantage of these opportunities. How can the Netherlands
actively promote human rights around the world while also continuing to respect them at national
level?
A robust and effective human rights policy requires a strong foreign policy narrative. In this revamped
message, human rights are the crucial link between the Netherlands’ core values and policy goals at
national and international level. Human rights can be more solidly anchored if they are explicitly
incorporated into other global policy areas and narratives, such as the Sustainable Development
Goals, climate, the environment and migration. Coalitions with like-minded countries and
partnerships with civil society within and outside Europe are essential in this regard. The Netherlands
must focus on developing new international and EU instruments to protect human rights and tackle
human rights violations, such as the human rights clauses in EU trade, partnership and association
agreements.
The AIV calls on the government to prioritise human rights. As far as foreign policy is concerned,
this requires the Netherlands to take an effective and explicit moral stance in a complex environment
characterised by realpolitik and tense international relations. A more integrated approach, new
partnerships and the provision of an effective counterweight, based on an understanding of the
cultural context in other countries, are key building blocks in this regard.
Human rights are not just a worthy ideal but also a clear matter of enlightened self-interest, in that
they form a vital link between democracy and the rule of law, on the one hand, and international
security, on the other. Idealism need not be shunned, and every effort must be made to preserve the
international human rights acquis. In order to achieve this goal, however, a much more pragmatic
and realistic approach that recognises today’s realities, including shifts in geopolitical relations, is
required.
Such an approach has both a foreign and a domestic dimension. In addition to prioritising human
rights internationally, the Netherlands also ought to do so at home. This approach requires an
appreciation of other viewpoints, but a robust response when internationally accepted, fundamental
boundaries are crossed.
Only in this way can the Netherlands more effectively protect and promote human rights as a core
interest in a changing constellation of political forces.

https://www.advisorycouncilinternationalaffairs.nl/documents/publications/2022/06/28/human-rights-a-core-interest-in-the-current-geopolitical-context

ISHR launches its 2023 Annual Report, highlighting ‘wins’

April 25, 2023

Human rights defenders around the world are coming together in powerful coalitions and turning to international human rights laws and systems to achieve justice and accountability. And while the threats and challenges remain enormous, we’re starting to win! says ISHR in its latest annual report, outlining key impacts during the last year and its vision for 2023 and the years ahead.

Here are just a few examples:  In July 2022, a coalition of more than 1200 NGOs from almost 150 countries secured a win for equality with the renewal of a vital international mechanism to combat violence and discrimination on the grounds of sexual orientation or gender identity. Just a few weeks later, land, environment and indigenous rights defenders secured a win for climate justice with the landmark recognition of the right to a clean, healthy and sustainable environment at the UN General Assembly. Wins for accountability were achieved in April and October when international, regional and national civil society organisations coordinated successful campaigns to suspend Russia from the UN Human Rights Council and establish an independent international expert monitoring mechanism on the human rights situation in the country. International human rights organisations and Uyghur communities came together to score a win against impunity in August by securing the release of a landmark UN Rights Office report on the human rights crisis in Xinjiang, as well as the first ever formal initiative on China at the Human Rights Council just weeks later in September.

See more achievements by visiting the website!
In a recent conversation with Björk, environmental activist Greta Thunberg reflected that hope is not something you feel, but something you do. ‘When people act,’ she said, ‘they create hope’. In 2023, fuelled by indignation and sustained by hope, ISHR’s commitment is to provide solidarity to defenders, contribute to positive momentum and, with your support, achieve even more significant human rights wins!

https://mailchi.mp/ishr/ishrs-human-rights-council-monitor-june-33837?e=d1945ebb90